Quantification in Standard Russian

Abstract

After presenting some basic syntactic information about Standard Russian this chapter outlines the quantification patterns it expresses. It illustrates various semantic types of quantifiers, such as generalized existential, generalized universal, proportional, definite and partitive which are defined in the Quantifier Questionnaire in Chapter 1. It partitions the expression of the semantic types into morpho-syntactic classes: Adverbial type quantifiers and Nominal (or Determiner) type quantifiers. For the various semantic and morpho-syntactic types of quantifiers it also distinguishes syntactically simple and syntactically complex quantifiers, as well as issues of distributivity and scope interaction, classifiers and measure expressions, and existential constructions. The chapter describes structural properties of determiners and quantified noun phrases in Standard Russian, both in terms of internal structure (morphological or syntactic) and distribution.

14.1 Introduction: Elements of Russian Grammar

14.1.1 Grammatical Relations

Russian is among the most conservative modern Indo-European languages when it comes to grammatical structure. I refer the reader to the reference grammar (Timberlake, 2004) for a detailed discussion; below I will mention just several features of immediate relevance for quantifier structures. Russian grammar traditionally lists six cases with the following major functions:

• nominative is the case of subjects and predicate nouns;

• genitive marks possessors in noun phrases;

• dative is the case of indirect objects;

• accusative marks direct objects and time intervals;

• instruments and passive subjects, and sometimes nominal predicates, are marked with instrumental;

• nouns in prepositional case are always governed by certain prepositions; historically this is locative case that lost independent uses.

(The name prepositional case might be misleading; any nominal case except nominative and not just prepositional can be assigned by a preposition.)

While syntactic roles of NPs are coded by case, they do not constrain word order, which is relatively free and is reserved for expressing information structure, if anything. In what follows, I will gloss case only where the syntactic roles of NPs may be otherwise unclear. Examples of NPs in isolation are given in nominative case, unless marked otherwise.

14.1.2 Paucal Forms

In general, numerals, like adjectives, agree with head nouns^{1 , 2}:

(1)	tremjašarami;trëmšaram;trëxšarov
	three.Instr balls.Instr three.Dat balls.Instr three.Gen balls.Gen
	‘with three balls; to three balls; of three balls’

However, when the NP with a numeral is in nominative or accusative, the head noun does not show nominative or accusative case marking. Instead, the noun assumes one of two forms depending on the numeral; these are called ‘smaller’ and ‘greater’ paucal forms. The former combines with numerals that end in 2, 3, or 4; the latter with numerals ending in bigger simple numerals. The smaller paucal form usually equals genitive singular, the greater paucal form genitive plural, but a handful of words show a contrast, cf. the suppletive genitive plural form ljudej and greater paucal čelovek ‘people’; genitive singular rjáda and smaller paucal rjadá ‘rows’. Even in cases of contrast like these, there is considerable variation with regard to the usage of a dedicated paucal form vs. conventional genitive (Timberlake, 2004); intervention of different kinds of modifiers between the numeral and the noun affect the choice of genitive vs. paucal in different ways (Mel’čuk, 1985, 431ff). Paucal forms will be marked in glosses only when morphology is in focus of the discussion. They are glossed as genitive when the forms are identical.

The greater and the smaller paucal forms are not simply variants occurring with different numerals. A further syntactic difference between them needs to be mentioned. The smaller paucal form is found only in direct cases, i.e. in nominative and accusative NPs. The greater paucal form also occurs in genitive NPs, in addition to the direct cases. The question is, of course, if the greater paucal form is generally identical to genitive plural, how can we distinguish which form combines with a genitive numeral? Nouns that differentiate the two forms use the large paucal form in this context: ot pjati čelovek (paucal), not ^? ot pjati ljudej (genitive) ‘from five people’; ot pjati kilogramm ‘from five kilograms’ (paucal). The fact that the greater paucal form extends to genitive is known (cf. (Mel’čuk, 1985, 431)) but often ignored (e.g. elsewhere in the same monograph Mel’čuk mentions the greater paucal form in relation to just nominative and accusative (Mel’čuk, 1985, 254–255)).

14.1.3 Partitive Case

Russian is sometimes analyzed as having a special case called Partitive, or Second Genitive. Normally, it has exactly the same form as ordinary Genitive, except for some masculine mass nouns (not including abstract nouns) which have a special form for it. The special Partitive form has the ending -u (vs. Genitive -a) and is homophonous with Dative. For many speakers, the ordinary Genitive form can be substituted for the special Partitive form in any context. Uses of Partitive include:

• as direct object or intransitive subject, meaning ‘unspecified quantity of X;’

• combinations with quantifiers;

• use as Genitive of Negation, including the subject of negative existential statements.

While it has been argued that Genitive of Negation needs to receive a separate analysis from partitive uses (Neidle, 1982, 134ff), a specialized partitive form can occur in both contexts, cf. (2c) and (2a). See Partee and Borschev (2007), Borschev et al. (2008) for references and discussion of Genitive of Negation in Russian. Examples:

(2)	a.	Ja nalilasebečaj=u.
		Ipoured self.Dat tea=Part
		‘I poured myself some tea.’ (NCRL3)
	b.	Ko mne obraščaetsja celaja kuča narod=u.
		tomeaddresswhole heap people=Part
		‘A whole lot of people address me.’ (NCRL)
	c.	No totnedalimxod=u.
		but that not gave them movement=Part
		‘But he didn’t set them [the documents about corruption] in motion.’ (NCRL)

14.1.4 Direct Case Condition

Certain classes of quantifiers have a restricted distribution in Russian and are found only as subjects or direct objects, and as predicates. These quantifiers include numerals modified by prepositions (okolo ‘about’, za ‘over’) or comparatives (bolee ‘more’), distributive NPs with the preposition po, mnogo ‘much’ (at least with mass terms), malo ‘few/little’, and (ne)dostatočno ‘(in)sufficiently many’. Babby (1985) relates this restriction to three other case-related facts: (1) that only direct cases assign a paucal form to the noun, and (2) that partitive and (3) genitive of negation are also limited to NPs that would otherwise be in a direct case. It must be noted though that these phenomena do not have exactly the same distribution. In fact, the four all have different distributions, suggesting that ‘Direct Case’ restrictions may not constitute a unified phenomenon.

Numerals in nominative and accusative NPs have nouns in paucal forms in any syntactic position, while the other phenomena are restricted to subject and direct object positions, excluding accusative NPs as objects of prepositions: čerez dva časá ‘in two hours’ (paucal form), but ??čerez okolo dvux časov ‘in about two hours’. Further, as discussed above, (large) paucal forms are also found in genitive NPs, thus not even restricted to direct cases.

QNPs with nouns in paucal forms and numerals modified with prepositions can be predicates or transitive subjects; partitive and genitive of negation do not occur in these positions.

Partitive can occur outside the ‘direct case’ environments as objects of certain genitive-assigning prepositions (e.g. radi, dlja ‘for’) and with measure phrases (čaška čaju ‘a cup of tea’); genitive of negation alternation preposition-modified numerals and malo are disallowed in these contexts.

14.1.5 Types of Numerals

Traditional Russian grammar distinguishes three orders of numerals: cardinal, ordinal, and collective. Cardinal numerals are the basic kind, used in combination with nouns (except pluralia tantum) as in dva stula ‘two chairs’. Ordinal numerals like vtoroj ‘second’, pjatnadcatyj ‘fifteenth’ pattern with adjectives morphologically as well as syntactically. When deriving an ordinal from a complex numeral, only the last word of the numeral assumes adjectival morphology, and preceding numeral components have invariable nominative form. For an illustration, consider the dative singular feminine form of ordinal numerals:

(3)	sot=oj;stopjatidesjat=oj; stopjat′desjat četver=t=oj
	100=DatSgF100.Nom50=DatSgF100.Nom50.Nom4=Adj=DatSgF
	To the one hundredth; to the 150th; to the 154th

Ordinal numerals are the basis for proportional quantifiers of the patterns ‘cardinal numeral + ordinal numeral _Feminine ’ (odna pjataja ‘one fifth’, tri dvadcat′ vtoryx ‘three twenty thirds’), as well as ‘každyj + ordinal numeral’ (každyj pjatyj ‘every fifth’).

Collective numerals like dvoe ‘two’, pjatero ‘five’ have several uses. They compete with ordinary numerals when combining with nouns denoting people or young animals: dva studenta / dvoe studentov ‘two students’, pjat′ / pjatero teljat ‘five calves’. Collective numerals are also used with pluralia tantum like vorota ‘gate’, which lack the smaller paucal form, cf. *dva / ^OK dvoe vorot ‘two gates’, and with (plural) personal pronouns *pjat′ / ^OK pjatero nas ‘five us’ (see (Mel’čuk, 1985, 376ff) for lexical restrictions and further discussion).

Finally, collective numerals are freely used on their own without a noun, while cardinal numerals require a noun, unless used as predicates or in elliptical contexts. The following example illustrates the contrast:

(4)	V	komnatu	zašli	dvoe /	*dva.
	in	room	entered two.Coll two.Card
	‘Two people entered the room.’

Here the variant with cardinal dva is not acceptable unless a clearly elliptical context is provided, e.g. ‘hundreds of policemen surrounded the crime scene but just two entered the room.’ Numerals 2–20, 30, 50, 60, 70, and 80 have collective forms, but for 8 and up these forms are almost never used, except in derived adverbs like vpjatidesjaterom ‘as a group of 50’.

14.1.6 Selection of D-Quantifiers

The selection properties of D-quantifiers in Russian are very elaborate. The morphosyntax of numerals is probably the most complicated part of Russian grammar along with aspect / Aktionsart; for a careful discussion see Timberlake (2004), Mel’čuk (1985), Corbett (1978). Simplifying slightly, the following types of D-quantifiers can be distinguished based on their selection properties:

• A. Ones that select for (singular) mass nouns.

  • i. Agreeing with the noun in case and gender, e.g. ves′ ‘all the’: vsë [NomSgN] moloko [NomSgN] ‘all (the) milk’.

  • ii. Selecting for the genitive (partitive) case. a. quantifiers used only in (homophonous) nominative and accusative: skol′ko ‘how much,’⁴ malo ‘little,’ (ne)dostatočno ‘(in)sufficiently much,’ e.g. skol′ko [Nom] čaju [Part] ‘how much tea’, but *skol′ki [Dat] čaju [Part] ‘to how much tea’ b. measure phrases and proportional quantifiers which are used in any case (essentially these are nouns syntactically): dva litra ‘two liters’, gorst′ ‘a handful’, polovina ‘half,’ dve treti ‘two thirds of’, cf. polovina [Nom] čaju [Part] ‘half of the tea’, polovine [Dat] čaju [Part] ‘to half of the tea’. Partitive case proper (čaju), unlike genitive (čaja), sounds less natural with proportional quantifiers like polovina than with other mass noun quantifiers, yet it is well attested in usage.

• B. Quantifiers that select for count nouns.

  • i. Agreeing with the noun in case and gender. a. Selecting for singular: každyj ‘every,’ vsjakij ‘all,’ kotoryj ‘which,’ odin ‘one,’ tridcat′ odin ‘thirty one,’ n+1 (read as èn pljus odin), and all other numerals ending in odin, cf. odno [NomSgN] jabloko [NomSgN] ‘one apple’, odnomu [DatSgN] jabloku [DatSgN] ‘to one apple’. b. Selecting for plural: vse ‘all,’ (ne)mnogie ‘(not) many,’ e.g. vse [NomPl] jabloki [NomPl] ‘all (the) apples’, vsem [DatPl] jablokam [DatPl] ‘to all (the) apples’.

  • ii. Selecting for the genitive plural form. (a) quantifiers used only as a subject and direct object: malo ‘few,’ (ne)dostatočno ‘(in)sufficiently many,’ bol′še vsego ‘the most.’ (b). quantifiers used in any case (essentially they behave like nouns): polovina ‘half,’ bol′šinstvo ‘most.’

  • iii. Core numerals 5–20, tens, and hundreds, number variables like n (read èn) and k (read ka), and any complex numerals ending in these, as well as skol′ko ‘how many’ and stol′ko ‘this many’ when in nominative, accusative, or genitive, select for the so called larger paucal form, usually identical to genitive plural but for some nouns identical to nominative singular: (odin) kilometr ‘(one) kilometer’ (nominative singular) vs. (čislo / pjat′) kilometrov ‘(the number of / five) kilometers’ (genitive plural / large count) but (odin / pjat′) kilogramm ‘(one / five) kilogram(s)’ (nominative singular / large count) vs. (čislo) kilogrammov ‘(the number of) kilograms’ (genitive plural). The formal difference is most obvious in the case of the noun čelovek ‘person’ which has a suppletive plural: (odin / pjat′) čelovek ‘one person / five people’ (nominative singular / large count) vs. (čislo) ljudej ‘(the number of) people’ (genitive plural). In other oblique cases such numerals do not select for the noun’s case but agree with the noun in case: (o) pjati šarax ‘(about) five balls’ (prepositional), pjat′ju šarami five balls’ (instrumental) etc.

  • iv. Nouns denoting numbers select for large paucal forms no matter what the case of the DP is: ‘thousand people’ is tysjača čelovek in nominative, tysjači čelovek in genitive, tysjače čelovek in dative etc. This group includes nol′ / nul′ ‘zero,’ tysjača ‘thousand,’ million ‘million,’ milliard ‘billion,’ trillion ‘trillion,’ etc. Hundreds (200 and up) also tend to behave like this, although in the literary norm they are attributed to the previous group.

  • v. Some numerals, when in nominative case, select for a special form of the noun, called the (small) paucal form,⁵ which generally equals genitive singular, but sometimes has a different place of stress: razmer šára ‘size of the ball’ but tri šará ‘three balls.’ In oblique cases such numerals do not select for the noun’s case but agree with the noun in case: trëx šarov ‘three balls’ (genitive), tremja šarami ‘three balls’ (instrumental) etc. In genitive, however, the large paucal form is often used instead of genitive plural even with small numerals: (ot) trëx čelovek ‘(from) three people’ (large paucal form) along with (ot) trëx ljudej ‘(from) three people’ (genitive plural).

Three subgroups of this class can be further distinguished:

• a. the clitic pol ‘half’ selects for a singular noun when in oblique cases: polušaru ‘to half of a ball.’ In accusative, DPs with pol are always the same as in nominative: polšara ‘half of a ball’ or polženščiny ‘half of a woman’ can be either nominative or accusative.

• b. the numeral poltora ‘one and a half’ selects for a plural noun when in oblique cases: polutora šaram ‘to one and half of a ball.’ The accusative form of DPs with poltora is always the same as nominative: poltora šara ‘one ball and a half’ or poltory ženščiny ‘one and a half women’ can be either nominative or accusative.

• c. Numerals dva ‘two,’ oba ‘both,’ tri ‘three,’ četyre ‘four,’ and any complex numerals ending in these, select for a plural noun when in oblique cases: dvum šaram ‘to two balls,’ uravnenie s n+2 (èn pljus dvumja) kornjami ‘equation with n+2 roots.’ The accusative form of DPs with these numerals depends on the animacy of the noun. If the noun is inanimate, accusative is the same as in nominative, otherwise it is the same as genitive: dva šara ‘two balls’ is either nominative or accusative, dvux ženščin ‘two women’ is either genitive or accusative.

Numerals poltora ‘one and a half’, dva ‘two,’ and oba ‘both’ are also unique in Russian because they are the only grammatically plural words that formally distinguish gender. All of them have separate feminine and masculine/neuter forms in nominative (and accusative whenever it is equal to nominative): poltora / dva / oba šara / okna ‘one and half of / two / both balls (M) / windows (N),’ but poltory / dve / obe ženščiny ‘one and half of / two / both women (F)’.⁶ Oba ‘both’ is doubly unique in having distinct feminine and masculine/neuter stems in oblique cases: oboim šaram / oknam ‘to both balls (M) / windows (N),’ but obeim ženščinam ‘to both women (F)’.

14.1.7 Series of Pronouns

Many pronominal elements in Russian are organized into morphologically regular series,⁷ mostly based on interrogatives. These include several series of indefinites but also quantifiers with various semantic contributions (see Haspelmath (1997) for a discussion of Russian indefinites and a typological perspective; Yanovich (2005) for a closer look at some of the series). Table 14.1 illustrates seven series, each instantiated by three kinds of pronouns (there are of course many more series and pronominal stems).

Table 14.1 Series of pronouns

When prepositions combine with quantified NPs with series markers preceding the pronominal stem, the series marker comes before the preposition. In these examples, series markers are ni for the negative concord series and koe for an indefinite series:

(5)	a.	Ni	o	čëm	ne	sprašivaj!
		NI	about what not ask
		‘Don’t ask about anything!’ (NCRL)
	b.	ja k	nemu tut		koe	pokakim delamzabegal
		I to	him here		KOE	for which business ran by
		‘I stopped by his place with some business’ (NCRL)

14.1.8 Agreement

Predicates agree with subjects in number and either person (non-past verb forms) or gender (past tense verbs and nominal predicates). Adjectives within noun phrases agree with nouns in case, number, and gender. Russian possesses the three Indo-European genders: masculine, feminine, and neuter. Nouns are also cross-categorized by animacy; whenever gender agreement takes place, so does animacy agreement. Technically, one should speak of two agreement classes within each gender, distinguished by animacy. The sole expression of animacy is the form of accusative case. In the plural, animate nouns’ accusative case form is the same as the genitive, and inanimate nouns’ accusative form equals the nominative (the same distinction holds in the singular, but only in some types of paradigms). Pluralia tantum can be treated as a separate gender (Zaliznyak, 1967).

Quantified NPs have special agreement properties if the quantifier assigns case to the NP (be that genitive, partitive, or a paucal form). With nouns in paucal forms, adjectives and determiners are in nominative plural (usually when they precede the quantifier + NP combination; this is an option only with numerals) or in genitive plural (usually when they intervene between the numeral and the common noun):

(6)	a.	vseètismelyepjat′ čelovek
		all.NomPl these.NomPl brave.NomPl five person.LargePaucal
		‘all these brave five people’
	b.	triètixsmelyxčeloveka
		three these.GenPl brave.GenPl man.SmallPaucal
		‘these three brave people’

(as mentioned, for a vast majority of nouns the larger paucal form = genitive plural, the smaller paucal form = genitive singular).

Verbal agreement can default to 3rd person neuter singular if the subject is a QNP which bears no nominative morphology other than that of the quantifier word (Švedova, 1970, 554). If the QNP contains a determiner or an adjective in nominative plural, this forces standard plural agreement, cf.:

(7)	a.	Prišli /prišlopjat′studentov
		came.Pl / came.SgN fivestudent.GenPl
		‘Five students came.’
	b.	Prišli /prišlodvastudenta
		came.Pl / came.SgN two student.GenSg
		‘Two students came.’
	c.	Javilis′ /javilos′bol′šinstvostudentov
		show up.Pl / show up.SgN moststudent.GenPl
		‘Most students showed up.’
	d.	OKJavilis′ /*javilos′vsepjat′ studentov
		show up.Pl/ show up.SgN all.NomPl fivestudent.GenPl
		‘All five students showed up.’ (overt nominative blocks default agreement)
	e.	OKJavilis′ /*javilos′novyepjat′studentov
		show up.Pl / show up.SgN new.NomPl fivestudent.GenPl
		‘Five other students showed up.’ (overt nominative blocks default agreement)

14.1.9 Definiteness of NPs

Russian does not have grammaticized articles, neither definite nor indefinite. Bare noun phrases can be interpreted as either definite or indefinite. But semantic (in)definiteness can be expressed. For instance, definiteness is signaled by demonstratives:

(8)	Èta	ženščina,	tot	kot,	te	studenty
	this	woman	that	cat	those	students
	‘this woman’, ‘that cat’, ‘those students’.

Russian demonstrative determiners include ètot ‘this’, sej ‘this’ (obsolete or bookish) and tot ‘that.’ In some contexts, the demonstratives have no deictic meaning at all but only express definiteness. In such cases, tot and ètot express different kinds of definiteness. Ètot (and sej) is typical in NPs referring to an object from the preceding discourse. In contrast, tot accompanies NPs with restrictive relative clauses. The numeral odin ‘one’ is used to express indefiniteness, usually to introduce a new protagonist into the discourse.

(9)	a.	Myvstretiliodnogočeloveka.Ètotčelovekokazalsjadekanom.
		Wemetonemanthismanturned out to bedean
		‘We met a man. The man turned out to be the dean.’
	b.	Vottotčelovek,okotoromjagovoril.
		HerethatmanaboutwhichI talked
		‘Here’s the man I talked about.’

Definite NPs include proper names. Russian first name stems can typically be treated as monomorphemic, although their compound etymology is sometimes transparent as in Slavic names Vladimir, Vladislav, Vjačeslav. Last names are mostly derived from nouns with suffixes -ov-, -in-, -sk-, -ovič-, or from adjectives with suffixes -ov- or -yx (e.g. čërnyj ‘black’ > Černov, Černyx).

14.1.10 Generic Noun Phrases

Generic NPs in Russian, both singular and plural, do not have an overt determiner:

(10)	a.	Sobaki	kusajutsja.
		dogs	bite
		‘Dogs bite.’
	b.	Krolik	razmnožaetsja	bystro.
		rabbit	reproduces	rapidly.
		‘The rabbit reproduces rapidly.’
	c.	Dinozavry	vymerli.
		dinosaurs	died out
		‘Dinosaurs are extinct.’

14.1.11 Negation and Negative Concord

Sentence negation is expressed by ne prefixed to the predicate. The same marker ne can also mark constituent negation (11c); negated constituents, like other focused constituents, tend to be sentence-final. Russian is a strict negative concord language: negative quantification is expressed by a combination of the ni-words (negative concord items) with sentential negation. Ne is obligatory in the presence of negative concord items, except in elliptical contexts:

(11)	a.	On	ni=čego	*(ne)	znaet.
		He	NI=what	*(not)	knows
		‘He doesn’t know anything.’
	b.	On	krasiv	kak	ni=kto	ne	krasiv.
		he	handsome	like	NI=who not handsome.
		‘He is handsome like nobody is handsome.’
	c.	Prišël	ne	Petja
		came	not	Peter
		‘It was not Peter that came’

14.1.12 Quantificational NPIs

Russian ni-quantifiers have sometimes been analyzed as NPIs. However, ni-quantifiers are licensed only by the same-clause sentential negation but not other decreasing operators. libo-quantifiers are a better match to English NPIs since they are used in a wide variety of contexts, including decreasing contexts and polar questions, e.g. (cf. Pereltsvaig (2006a) for a discussion of the contexts in which libo-words are licensed):

(12)	a.	Devočkanexotelapolučat′kakoe-libo /ni=kakoeobrazovanievoobšče.
		Girlnot wanted get.inf which-libo / ni=which educationat.all
		‘The girl did not want to get any education at all.’
	b.	Janeverju,čtoonapolučitkakoe-libo /*ni=kakoeobrazovanie.
		Inotbelievethatsheget.futwhich-libo /*ni=whicheducation
		‘I do not believe that she will get any education.’
	c.	Polučitlionakakoe-libo /*ni=kakoeobrazovanie?
		get.fut whether she which-libo / *ni=which education
		‘Will she get any education?’

(see also the examples 66b–66d)

14.2 Generalized Existential Quantifiers

14.2.1 D-Quantifiers

In Russian, bare noun phrases can be interpreted as existentially quantified, but there is also a range of overt intersective determiners:

(13)	a.	Nad kaminom ja uvidel	(odin)	portret Puškina
		above fireplace I saw	(one)	picture Pushkin.gen
		‘I saw a /one picture of Pushkin above the fireplace’

	b.	Na ulice pojut (kakie-to)morjaki
		on street sing (which-exist) sailors
		‘Some sailors are singing in the street’
	c.	V Xakasii za novogodnie prazdniki pogiblo neskol′ko ženščin
		in Khakasia during the winter holidays diedseveralwomen
		‘Several women died in Khakasia during the winter holidays.’ (actual news headline)

14.2.1.1 Existential Quantifiers

a. Existential quantifiers can be formed from question words by means of prefix koe- and postfixes⁸ -to, -libo, -nibud ′.

(14)	a.	kto	-to;	kakoj	-to	portret Puškina
		who	-Exist;	what	-Exist	picture Pushkin.gen
		‘someone’; ‘some picture of Pushkin’

b. Negative existential quantifiers are non-existent. They are expressed through a combination of negation with negative concord items, built from interrogatives with the prefix ni-.

(15)	ni=kto;	ni=kakoj	portret Puškina
	NI =who;	NI =which picture Pushkin.gen
	‘nobody’; ‘no picture of Pushkin’

14.2.1.2 Numerals

Russian numerals are based on the decimal system. Table 14.2 gives the list of one-word cardinal numerals between 1 and 999. Names for other numbers below 1,000 are sequences of these one-word numerals, in the descending order of powers of 10, e.g. sto sem′ ‘107,’ trista pjat′nadcat′ ‘315,’ dvadcat′ devjat′ ‘29.’ Note the one-word expressions for numerals 11–19, also found in compound numerals like šest′sot devjatnadcat′ ‘619.’ Names of numbers larger than 1,000 list the powers of ten in decreasing order using nouns⁹ tysjača ‘1,000,’ million ‘1,000,000,’ milliard ‘1,000,000,000,’ trillion ‘trillion,’ kvadrillion ‘quadrillion,’ kvintillion ‘quintillion,’ etc., potentially ad infinitum. Here are some examples of numeral use:

Table 14.2 Cardinal numerals

(16)	a.	odinmilliontristapjatdesjatčetyretysjačistovosemnadcat′
		1million30050fourthousand10018
		‘1,354,118’
	b.	Vklasse(est′)(rovno)pjat′ / bol′še pjati studentov.
		in classis(exactly)fivemorefivestudents
		‘There are (exactly) five / more than five students in the class.’
	c.	V klasse netniodnogostudenta.
		in classis.noNIonestudent
		‘There are no students in the class.’

The noun nul′ or nol′ ‘zero’ is not found within compound numerals. By their syntactic and morphological properties, the interrogative word skol′ko ‘how many, how much’ and its derivatives like neskol′ko ‘several,’ skol′ko-to ‘some quantity of’ are close in distribution to (larger) numerals. Mnogo ‘many,’ malo ‘few,’ beskonečno mnogo ‘infinitely many,’ are similar to numerals but have slightly different properties and are traditionally classified as adverbs (see Mel’čuk (1985) for an extensive discussion of the properties of mnogo, skol′ko etc.). Determiners nekotorye ‘some,’ nikakoj/ni odin ‘no,’ praktičeski/počti nikakoj/ni odin ‘practically/almost no’ (all but the first negative concord items) are not numerals. See Section 14.5.1.1 on modified numerals.

Some theoretical issues of the syntax and semantic composition of numerals in Russian (and other languages) are discussed by Ionin and Matushansky (2006).

14.2.1.3 Negative Existential Quantification

The meaning of ‘no’ is expressed by a combination of sentential negation ne and negative concord items nikakoj/ni odin, consisting of the particle ni and either the interrogative determiner or the numeral ‘one;’ of these two, only nikakoj is used with mass nouns. No Russian determiner at all might correspond to no in some English sentences, especially in sentences with Genitive of Negation:

(17)	Otveta	ne	prišlo.
	answer.Gen	not	arrived
	‘No answer arrived.’

14.2.1.4 Value Judgment Cardinals

Value judgment cardinals come in many syntactic flavors. The two core monomorphemic ones, mnogo ‘many, much’ and malo ‘few, little,’ can function as adverbs or like numerals (assigning partitive = 2nd genitive case). Some are adjectives ((ne)mnogočislennyj ‘(non-)numerous,’ maločislennyj ‘innumerous’). (Ne)mnogie ‘(not) many’ is an adjective morphologically but occupies strictly the leftmost position in their NP, i.e. patterns with determiners. Mnogo and mnogie, though related, are semantically different. The former, mnogo, gravitates toward collective readings, and the latter, mnogie, toward distributive readings (Mel’čuk, 1985, 309). Mel’čuk also notes that mnogie is more readily construed as restricting the domain of quantification to a contextually relevant set. This observation goes in line with Barbara Partee’s characterization of mnogie as a strong and mnogo as a weak quantifier (Partee, 2010, 10). There are also pronominal series with mnogo and malo as series markers, e.g. malo kogda ‘rarely’ (lit. ‘few when’), mnogo kto ‘many (people)’ (lit. ‘many who’).

(18)	a.	My oprosili(ves′ma)mnogix/ nemnogix/ mnogočislennyxkandidatov.
		we interviewed(very)many/ few/ numerouscandidates
		‘We interviewed (very) many / few / numerous candidates.’
	b.	Sliškommnogo/ malo/ nedostatočnokandidatov učastvovalo v vyborax.
		toomany/ few/ insufficientcandidates participated in elections
		‘Too many/few / Not enough candidates participated in the elections.’
	c.	Udivitel′nomnogo/ malokandidatov učastvovalo v vyborax.
		surprisinglymany/ fewcandidates participated in elections
		‘Surprisingly many / few candidates participated in the elections.’

14.2.2 Interrogative D-Quantifiers

Russian possesses interrogative determiners, both cardinal (skol′ko ‘how many, how much’) and non-cardinal (kakoj ‘which’, kotoryj ‘which of the’):

(19)	a.	Skol′ko	studentov	prišlo	na	lekciju?
		how.many	students	came	to	lecture
		‘How many students came to the lecture?’
	b.	Kakie	studenty	sdali	èkzamen?
		which	students	passed	exam
		‘Which students passed the exam?’

14.2.3 Boolean Compounds of D-Quantifiers

Russian can apply some boolean operations to D-quantifiers, including disjunction (ili ‘or’ and the negative concord item ni...ni ‘(n)either...(n)or’) and negation (ne) but not conjunction (i and a ‘and’, no ‘but’):

(20)	a.	Na	lekciju	prišlo	ne bolee		pjati	studentov.
		to	lecture	came	not more		five	students
		‘Not more than five students came to the lecture.’
	b.	Na	lekciju	prišlo	četyre	ili	pjat′	studentov.
		to	lecture	came	four	or	five	students
		‘Four or five students came to the lecture.’
	c.	Na lekciju	ne	prišlo	ni	četyre,	ni	pjat′	studentov.
		to lecture	not	came	nor	four	nor	five	students
		‘Neither four nor five students came to the lecture.’

14.2.4 A-Quantifiers

One-word adverbs with the meaning ‘n times’ exist for numbers 2 through 4: dvaždy, triždy, četyreždy; there are also archaic adverbs of the same morphological model odnaždy ‘once’¹⁰ and mnogaždy ‘many times.’ The productive way to express the meaning ‘n times’ is to combine a numeral with the noun raz ‘time.’ This latter strategy is applicable even when a one-word adverb exists, e.g. dva raza ‘two times.’ Here are some examples of existential A-quantifiers:

(21)	a.	inogda;	dvaždy;	n raz;	mnogo	raz;	ne	očen′	mnogo	raz
		sometimes;	twice;	n times;	many	times;	not	very	many	times
	b.	často; počti	ni-kogda;	ni-kogda.
		often; almost	NI-when;	NI-when.
		‘often’, ‘almost never’, ‘never’

A-quantifiers typically, but not always, express temporal quantification:

(22)	a.	Inogdarodingitysoderžatksenolityvmeščajuščixserpentinitov.
		sometimes rodingites containxenolyths enclosing.GenPl serpentinite.GenPl
		‘Some rodingites contain inclusions of enclosing serpentinites.’ (NCRL)

	b.	Jainogdaxožu vškolupeškom
		Isometimesgoto school by.foot
		‘I sometimes go to school by foot.’

	c.	Dovol′nočastoèticepočki daekraspolagajutsja soglasnozonam
		quiteoften these arraysdikes.Gen are.locatedaccording.to zones
		rasslancevaniya serpentinitov.
		foliation.Genserpentinites.Gen
		‘Quite often, these arrays of dikes are located according to the zones of serpentinite foliation.’ (NCRL)

	d.	...laktona,včasticekotorogolaktonnaja funkcija povtorjalas′
		...lactone.Gen in particle which.Gen lactonefunction repeated
		bydvaraza.
		Subj two times
		‘...of a lactone in whose particle the lactone function would repeat twice.’ (NCRL)

	e.	Ja(počti) nikogdanexožuvškolupeškom
		I(almost) nevernotgotoschoolby.foot

	f.	VanjabylvTaškentedvaždy /četyreždy /mnogo raz
		JohnwasinTashkenttwice /four times /many times
		John visited Tashkent twice / four times / many times

Verbal morphology, e.g. prefixes na-, po-, or their combination pona-, can sometimes contribute quantificational meanings; with such verbs, the argument quantified, which can be either an intransitive subject or a direct object, can be marked with (partitive) genitive, cf.:

(23)	a.	Bežali	tarakany.
		ran	roaches.Nom
		‘(The) cockroaches were running.’
	b.	Pona=bežalo	tarakanov.
		pona=ran	roaches.Gen
		‘A lot of cockroaches came running.’
	c.	Nataša	tut	blinčikov	na=lepila.
		Natasha	here	pancakes.Gen	na=modeled
		‘Natasha made a lot of pancakes.’ (NCRL)

Russian A-quantification also features adverbs derived from collective numerals (see Section 14.1.5). These come in three morphological models: v-...-om produces ‘in a group of x’: vdvoëm ‘in a group of two’, vpjaterom ‘in a group of five’ (see examples below in the Section 14.11 on quantifier float). Adverbs in v-...-o modify predicates of quantity change: uveličit′ vdvoe ‘to increase (something) twofold’, sokratit′sja vpjatero ‘to shrink fivefold’. Adverbs in na-...-o combine with verbs of division: razbit′ nadvoe ‘to break in two’, delit′ natroe ‘divide in three’. The last type is very unproductive, represented only by nadvoe ‘in two’, natroe ‘in three’, napopolam ‘in halves’, and nacelo ‘in equal integer parts’.

14.3 Generalized Universal (Co-intersective) Quantifiers

14.3.1 D-Quantifiers

Here are some co-intersective D-quantifiers of Russian: vse ‘all’, každyj ‘every, each’, vsjakij ‘every, each’, vse, krome pjati ‘all but five’, počti vse ‘nearly/almost all’, vse, krome konečnogo čisla ‘all but finitely many’, ne vse ‘not all’, každyj ... i ... ‘every...and...’ As in English, vse ‘all’ differs from každyj ‘each’, ljuboj ‘any’, and vsjakij ‘all, any’ in allowing collective or group level interpretations. For example vse + N occurs naturally with symmetric predicates, každyj, ljuboj, and vsjakij + N do not:

(24)	a.	Vsestudentysobralis′včeravodvore.
		allstudents gathered yesterday in courtyard
		‘All the students gathered/met in the courtyard last night.’
	b.	*Každyj /*Vsjakij /*Ljubojprepodavatel′sobralsjavčeravodvore.
		Every /all /any instructorgatheredyesterdayincourtyard
		*Each instructor gathered/met in the courtyard last night

Quantifiers with the meaning ‘all but n’, including ‘all but finitely many,’ have the following syntactic property. They can be used as a syntactic unit as in [vse, krome dvux], roli ‘all but two roles,’ but this usage is marginal (although attested: vse, krome dvux, roli occurred naturally). It is preferable, however, to place krome n ‘but n’ after the noun phrase restrictor, as in vse roli, krome dvux ‘all but two roles.’

(25)	a.	Vse	poety	mečtajut.
		all	poets	daydream
		‘All poets daydream.’ (POET – DAYDREAM = ∅)

	b.	Každyj		učenik	v	klasse	napisal	stixotvorenie.
		every / each student in class					wrote	poem
		‘Every / Each student in the class wrote a poem.’

	c.	Ne	vse	koški	sery.
		not	all	cats	grey
		‘Not all cats are grey.’

	d.	Vsestudentyvklasse,kromedvux,sdalièkzamen.
		Allstudentsinclassexcepttwopassed exam
		‘All but two students in the class passed the exam.’

	e.	Vse čisla,kromekonečnogo(ix)količestva,bol′šesta.
		Allnumbersexceptfinite(their)quantitygreater100
		‘All but finitely many numbers are greater than 100.’
		(In this example čislo ‘number’ in the second occurrence was replaced with količestvo ‘quantity’ to avoid using čislo in two different meanings in one sentence. This repetition would make the sentence awkward. A naturally occurring example of ‘all but finitely many’, from a description of the Turing machine, is given below.)

	f.	Vsejačejki,kromekonečnogo(ix)čisla,zanjatypustymisimvolami.
		Allcellsexceptfinite(their)numberoccupiedemptysymbols
		‘All but finitely many cells are occupied by empty symbols.’

	g.	Každyjmužčina,ženščinairebënok pokinuli gorod.
		everymanwomanandchildleftcity
		‘Every man, woman and child left the city.’

14.3.2 A-Quantifiers

Co-intersective A-quantifiers can be syntactically simple or complex

Vsegda ‘always’, počti vsegda ‘almost always’, vsjakij raz, kak / vsjakij raz, kogda ‘whenever’, (počti) každyj raz ‘(almost) every time.’

(26)	a.	Javsegda /počtivsegdaezžuvškolunaavtobuse.
		Ialways / almost always goto school on bus
		‘I always / almost always ride the bus to school’
	b.	Vanja režetsjavsegda, kogda breetsja / vsjakij raz,[kogda /kak]breetsja.
		Johncuts himself always when shaves /everytimewhen /asshaves
		‘John cuts himself when(ever) he shaves / every time he shaves’

For a semantic analysis of major adverbial quantifiers in Russian, see Padučeva (1989b).

14.4 Proportional Quantifiers

14.4.1 D-Quantifiers Agreeing with Nouns

One proportional quantifier that agrees with plural nouns in case is the universal quantifier vse ‘all.’ Another variety of agreeing proportional determiners is based on každyj ‘every’. Such determiners combine with singular count nouns and have the structure každyj + ordinal numeral, e.g. každyj pjatyj ‘every fifth.’

The construction X iz Y ‘X out of Y’ combines with the restrictor noun as its numeral component that stands before the noun would. The noun can follow either numeral, as in sem′ studentov iz desjati ‘seven students out of ten’ vs. sem′ iz desjati studentov ‘seven out of ten students’. Correspondingly, numerals that end in odin ‘one’ combine with singular nouns and agree with them in case and gender, those ending in units 2 through 4, when in nominative, genitive or accusative, combine with the small paucal form, others with the large paucal form, and when in other cases, combine with plural nouns and agree with them. If the numeral ends in odin, it combines with a singular noun and agrees with it in case and gender in all cases, e.g. in liš ′ odin ... iz desjati ‘just one ... in ten,’ ni odin ... iz desjati ‘not one ... in ten,’ tridcat′ odin ... iz sta ‘thirty one ... in one hundred.’

14.4.2 Quantifiers Assigning Genitive Case: D+N_Gen

Many proportional determiners are syntactically nouns that take a genitive (partitive) complement¹¹: bol′šinstvo ‘most’, vosemdesjat procentov ‘eighty percent of’, dve treti ‘two thirds of’, (značitel′noe) bol′šinstvo ‘a (large) majority of ’,¹² (neznačitel′noe) men′šinstvo ‘an (insignificant) minority of.’ These can freely combine with modifiers bolee ‘more than,’ menee ‘fewer than,’ do ‘up to’, etc. (see Section 14.5.1.1): bolee dvadcati procentov ‘more than twenty per cent of’, menee četverti ‘less than one quarter of’, ot dvadcati to tridcati procentov ‘between twenty and thirty percent of’, no direct Russan equivalent for all but a tenth of, (liš ′) nebol′šoj procent ‘(just) a small percentage of’, kakoj procent ‘what percentage of?’, kakaja dolja ‘what fraction of?’, (rovno) polovina ‘(exactly) half (of)’, bolee / menee poloviny ‘more / less than half (of).’ Examples of sentences with proportional quantifiers:

(27)	a.	Bol′šinstvopoetovmečtajut.
		Mostpoetsdaydream
		‘Most poets daydream.’
	b.	Šest′desjatprocentovamerikanskixpodrostkovstradajutizbytočnymvesom.
		sixtypercentAmericanteenagerssufferredundantweight
		‘Sixty percent of American teenagers are overweight.’
	c.	Menee odnoj pjatoj časti amerikancev dvujazyčny.
		lessonefifthpartAmericansbilingual
		‘Less than a fifth of Americans are bilingual.’

14.4.3 A-Quantifiers

Russian has a variety of proportional A-quantifiers. Those lacking a one-word expression can be constructed from D-quantifiers with the noun slučaj ‘case’ and preposition v ‘in.’ Here are some examples: (ne)často ‘(in)frequently, (not) often’, v osnovnom / v bol′šinstve slučaev ‘mostly’, obyčno ‘usually’, redko ‘seldom, rarely’, v celom ‘generally,’ v dvux tretjax slučaev ‘two thirds of the time.’

(28)	a.	ŽenščinyvosnovnomgolosovalizaRejgana.
		womeninbasicvotedforReagan
		‘Women mostly voted for Reagan.’
	b.	Vbol′šinstveslučaevženščinygolosovalizaRejgana
		InmostcaseswomenvotedforReagan
		‘For the most part women voted for Reagan.’
	c.	Obyčno, kogda prestupniki ubegajut otpolicii, oni ne
		usuallywhenoutlawsfleefrompolicethey not
		ostanavlivajutsja vypit′ kofe.
		stop drink.Inf coffee
		‘Usually when outlaws flee the police they don’t stop for coffee.’

	d.	Vanja často ezditvškoluna avtobuse.
		Johnoften goesto school on bus
		‘John often / frequently rides the bus to school.’
	e.	Vanja redkoxoditvmuzeipovoskresen′jam
		Johnrarely goesto museums on Sundays
		‘John seldom / rarely visits museums on Sundays.’

14.5 Morphosyntactically Complex Quantifiers

14.5.1 Complex D-Quantifiers

14.5.1.1 Modified Numerals

Mel’čuk (1985) classifies the specialized numeral modifiers, which he calls markers of approximateness, into three syntactic groups:

• adverbials, e.g. priblizitel′no, ètak ‘approximately,’ (ne) menee čem ‘(not) less than,’ s gakom ‘and more,’ rovno ‘exactly’; under this rubric, we may also consider promiscuous (‘focus’) particles počti (čto) ‘almost,’ tol′ko ‘only,’ liš ′ ‘just.’

• prepositions, e.g. okolo ‘about,’ ot ... do ‘between ... and,’ za ‘over’ (emu za pjat′desjat let ‘he is over 50’);

• comparatives bolee, bol′še ‘more (than),’ menee, men′še ‘less (than).’

These modifiers, except for the adverbials, are taken (Mel’čuk, 1985) to syntactically govern the noun phrase with the numeral and assign case to it (genitive, with the exception of prepositions pod and za which assign accusative); an alternative is to treat such prepositions as governing the numeral only, so that the noun combines with the preposition-numeral complex (Babby, 1985). The whole quantified NP with the prepositional modifying item does not exhibit the surface case normally associated with its surface position, and is used only in the contexts for nominative or accusative case (cf. Sections 14.1.4 and 14.1.6), or (more rarely) whatever surface case the QNP’s form is homophonous with, usually genitive or dative. Comparative modifiers generally pattern with prepositions, but when they include the comparative particle čem (bolee čem ‘more than’, menee čem ‘less than’) they exhibit the behavior of adverbial modifiers and combine with all case forms. Examples of modified numerals: men′še pjati ‘fewer than five,’ rovno/tol′ko/liš ′ pjat′ ‘exactly/only/just five,’ men′še pjati ‘less/fewer than five,’ ne men′še/menee pjati ‘at least five,’ ne bol′še/bolee pjati ‘at most five,’ okolo desjati ‘about ten,’ priblizitel′no desjat′ ‘approximately ten,’ počti sto ‘nearly/almost a hundred,’ ot pjati do desjati ‘between five and ten.’

The meaning ‘approximately’ can be expressed not only by overt modifiers, but also by the inversion of the numeral-noun order (Billings, 1995). There are no case or positional restrictions on this construction, unlike with the modifiers discussed above. This inversion has been treated as head movement since only the noun is generally inverted but not its modifiers (Pereltsvaig, 2006b). If the QNP is an object of a preposition, the head noun precedes the preposition:

(29)	a.	Javilos′	čelovek	tridcat′.
		showed up	people	thirty
		‘About thirty people showed up.’ (NCRL)
	b.	Javilos′	tridcat′	čelovek.
		showed up	thirty	people
		‘Thirty people showed up.’
	c.	čerez	pjatnadcat′	minut.
		after	fifteen	minutes
		‘fifteen minutes later’
	d.	minut	čerez	pjatnadcat′
		minutes	after	fifteen
		‘about fifteen minutes later’

14.5.1.2 Modified Value Judgment Cardinals

As in English, mnogo ‘many, much’ and malo ‘little, few’ combine with adverbs building complex quantifiers: osobenno mnogo ‘especially many or much’, sliškom mnogo ‘too many or much’, dovol′no mnogo ‘quite many or much’, sovsem malo ‘altogether little or few’, udivitel′no malo ‘surprisingly little or few’, cf. also sentence examples (all examples come from NCRL):

(30)	a.	Vètotraznafestivalebyloudivitel′nomalozritelej.
		inthistimeonfestivalwassurprisinglyfewviewers
		‘This time there were surprisingly few people in the festival’s audience.’
	b.	Odnako ètot organ zrenijaulavlivaetsliškommalosveta.
		butthis organ vision.Gen catchestoolittlelight
		‘But this vision organ catches too little light.’
	c.	Unas neverojatno mnogo talantlivyx ljudej.
		at usincrediblymanytalentedpeople
		‘We have incredibly many talented people.’

14.5.1.3 Exception Phrases

Exception phrases are introduced by the preposition krome or complex preposition za isključeniem ‘with the exception of’.

(31)	a.	Vse	studenty,	krome	Vani,	prišli	na	urok	rano.
		all	students	except	John	came	to	class	early
		‘Every student but John came to class early.’

	b.	Niodinstudent,kromeVani,neušël svečerinkipozdno.
		NIonestudentexceptJohnnotleftfrompartylate
		‘No student but John left the party late.’

Exception phrases normally combine with universal quantifiers, including negative concord items like ni odin above, which are also likely to be interpreted universally (Abels, 2005). However, one can find examples with other quantifiers (examples below come from NCRL), where krome can be translated either as except or as besides:

(32)	a.	KromeÈvterpybyloeščëvosem′muz.
		exceptEuterpewasmoreeightmuses
		‘There were eight more Muses not counting Euterpe.’
	b.	Komu,krometebja,jamogueščëbyt′nužna?
		whoexceptyouIcanstillbenecessary
		‘Who can need me if not you?’
	c.	Pošlizanejumnogie,kromeprofessorovivrača.
		wentafterhermanyexceptprofessorsanddoctor
		‘Many people followed her, with the exception of the professors and the doctor.’
	d.	... – umnogix,kromeedinstvennogo!
		atmanyexcept the only
		‘〈 many of them show suffering and doubt on their faces 〉 – many, with a single exception!’
	e.	Neznaju,zametil liètustrannost′kto-toeščë,kromemenja
		notknownoticed whether this stangenesswho-toelseexceptme
		‘I don’t know if anyone else besides me noticed this strange thing.’

14.5.1.4 Proportional Quantifiers

Proportional quantifiers are generally structurally complex, under both productive constructions: ‘každyj + ordinal numeral’ (každyj pjatyj ‘every fifth’) and ‘cardinal numeral + fraction’ (dve desjatyx ‘two tenths’, tri procenta ‘three percent’); exceptions are fraction names used on their own (including just polovina ‘half’, tret′ ‘one third’, četvert′ ‘quarter’). Proportional quantifiers can be modified by focus particles and adverbs: (liš ′, rovno, tol′ko) sem′ iz desjati ‘(just, exactly, only) seven out of ten.’ Comparative and prepositional modifiers as in ne menee / bolee semi iz desjati ‘at least / more than seven out of ten’ are almost never used with proportional quantifiers; if modified this way, such quantifiers are interpreted as partitive (‘seven of the ten’) rather than proportional. A rare example of such a modifier in a proportional usage comes from a 19th century text (33b). Examples:

(33)	a.	Sem′	iz	desjati	poetov	mečtajut.
		Seven	from	ten	poets	daydream
		‘Seven out of ten poets daydream.’
	b.	Iz celoj armii ostalos’ ne bolee dvux iz desjati čelovek.
		from whole army remained not more two from ten people
		‘At most two in ten people survived from the whole army.’ (NCRL)

	c.	Niodinučitel′izdesjatineznaetotvetnavopros.
		NIone.Nomteacher.Nomfromtennotknowsansweronquestion
		‘Not one teacher in ten knows the answer to that question.’13

14.5.1.5 Boolean Compounds of Determiners

Russian forms boolean compounds of determiners, except for conjunctions of determiners (‘and’) whose meanings are preferably expressed by other means (e.g. ot X do Y ‘between X and Y’ rather than ne menee X no ne bolee Y ‘at least X but not more than Y’); sentences with conjoined determiners are improved if the shared common noun phrase is supplied with the preposition iz ‘out of’. Boolean compounding may simply make the sentence grammatical if the selection properties of the quantifiers are otherwise incompatible, as in (34d):

(34)	a.	Otdvuxdodesjatistudentovpolučatstipendiivsledujuščemgodu.
		Fromtwotilltenstudentsget.futscholarshipsinnextyear
		‘At least two but not more than ten students will get scholarships next year’ is preferable over

	b.	Nemeneedvux,noneboleedesjati?(iz)studentovpolučat
		notlesstwobutnotmoretenofstudentsget.Fut

		stipendiivsledujuščem godu.
		scholarships in nextyear
		‘At least two but not more than ten students will get scholarships next year.’

	c.	Bol′šinstvopoetov,nonevse(iznix),spjatdnëm.
		Mostpoetsbutnotall(ofthem)sleepin.the.afternoon
		‘Most but not all poets sleep in the afternoon.’

	d.	Bol′šinstvo,nonevse,*(iz)poetovspjatdnëm.
		Mostbut not all(of)poetssleepin.the.afternoon
		‘Most but not all poets sleep in the afternoon.’

	e.	Nikaždyjstudent,nikaždyjučitel′neprišëlnavečerinku.
		Noreverystudentnoreveryteachernotcametoparty
		‘Neither every student nor every teacher came to the party.’

14.5.1.6 Partitives: D+iz+NP_Gen.pl

Russian uses syntactically complex NP partitives with the preposition iz with cardinal, interrogative, universal, or proportional quantifiers. Quantifiers that usually occur without a common noun restrictor (e.g. kto ‘who,’ nikto ‘nobody,’ malo čto ‘few things’) can still be used in partitive constructions. Determiners that typically combine with noun restrictors can be used in the partitive construction, but this is dispreferred (e.g. collective numerals are preferred over cardinal numerals). Partitive constructions with proportional determiners are slightly degraded, too. Personal pronouns, in contrast to full NPs, can freely occur in partitive constructions with any determiners:

(35)	a.	Liš ′dvoe / ?dvaizstudentov /tex /moixstudentov /
		Justtwoofstudents /those /mystudents /
		studentovVanisdalièkzamen.
		studentsJohn.Genpassedexam
		Just two of (the /those students / my / John’s students) passed the exam.
	b.	Ktoizstudentov /texstudentovsdalèkzamen?
		whoofstudents /thosestudentspassedexam
		Which of the / those students passed the exam?
	c.	?Kakieizstudentov /texstudentovsdalièkzamen?
		whichofstudents /thosestudentspassedexam
		Which of the / those students passed the exam?
	d.	Ni=kto /niodin /?ni=kakojizstudentovnesdalèkzamen.
		NI=who /NIone /NI=whichofstudentsnotpassedexam
		None/neither of the students passed the exam.
	e.	Obaiz nix / ?studentovsdalièkzamen.
		bothof them / ?studentspassedexam
		‘Both of them / the students passed the exam.’
	f.	?Boleevos′midesjatiprocentov /pjat′šestyxizstudentovnesdalièkzamen.
		moreeightypercent /fivesixthsofstudentsnotpassedexam
		‘More than eighty percent / five sixths of the students passed the exam.’
	g.	Bol′šinstvoiz nix / ?studentovsdaloèkzamen.
		majorityof them / ?studentspassedexam
		‘Most of them / the students passed the exam.’

Among the universal quantifiers, každyj ‘every’ is preferable over vse ‘all’ in partitive constructions:

(36)	a.	Každyj /	ne	každyj	iz	studentov	sdal	èkzamen.
		every /	not	every	of	students	passed	exam
		‘All / Not all of the students passed the exam.’
	b.	??Vse /	?Ne	vse	iz	studentov	sdali	èkzamen.
		all /	not	all	of	students	passed	exam
		‘All / Not all of the students passed the exam.’

14.5.2 Complex A-Quantifiers

14.5.2.1 Modification

Russian A-quantifiers are generally modified in the same ways as D-quantifiers, cf.:

(37)	a.	Vanja	byl	v	Moskve	rovno	dvaždy /	bolee	pjati	raz.
		John	was	in	Moscow	exactly	twice /	more	five	times
		‘John has been to Moscow exactly twice / more than five times.’

	b.	Vanjapočtivsegda/ liš ′inogdaezdit na avtobuse.
		Johnalmostalways / just sometimes rides on bus
		‘John almost always / just rarely takes the bus.’

	c.	Vanjaezditnaavtobusevdvarazačašče,čem ty.
		Johnridesonbusin two times more often than you
		‘John takes the bus twice as often as you.’

14.5.2.2 Boolean Compounds

Adverbial quantifiers can be coordinated; in those built from NPs, syntactic complexity can be added by coordinating or modifying the determiners they include:

(38)

a.

Vanja

propuskal

urok

ot

trëx

do

pjati

raz.

John

has missed

class

from

two

to

five

times

‘John has missed class at least twice but not more than five times.’

	b.	NaprezidentskixvyboraxMarijačasto,nonevsegda,
		InpresidentialelectionsMaryfrequentlybutnotalways
		golosovalazademokrata.
		voted for Democrat
		‘In presidential elections Mary has frequently but not always voted for a Democrat’

14.6 Comparative Quantifiers

14.6.1 Comparison of NP Extensions

Russian comparative constructions have largely the same structure as in English. The distribution of comparative D-quantifiers, however, is limited to the positions of the subject and direct object (cf. Section 14.1.4). Even in the case of subjects there is a strong tendency for such comparative noun phrases to be sentence final (postverbal if the sentence has a verbal predicate). (I could not illustrate any positions created by raising to object, due to the absence of clear cases of raising verbs in Russian.)

(39)	a.	Na	večerinku	prišlo	bol′še	učenikov,	čem	učitelej.
		on	party	came	more	students	than	teachers
		More students than teachers came to the party
	b.	Na	večerinku	prišlo	ne men′še	učenikov,	čem	učitelej.
		on	party	came	not less	students	than	teachers
		At least as many students as teachers came to the party

	c.	Ja konsul′tirovala primerno			stol′ko že	mužčin,	skol′ko i		ženščin.
		I consulted approximately			as many	men	as also		women
		I consulted approximately as many men as women.

	d.	Ja	znaju	bol′še	učenikov,	čem	učitelej.
		I	know	more	students	than	teachers
		I know more students than teachers (Direct Object)

	e.	*Ja	rabotal s		bol′še	učenikov,	čem	učitelej.
		I	worked with more			students	than	teachers
		I have worked with more students than teachers (Obj of Prep)

	f.	*Byli ukradeny velosipedy				stol′kix že	učenikov,	skol′ko i	učitelej.
		were stolen bicycles				as many	students	as also	teachers
		Just as many students’ as teachers’ bicycles were stolen (Possessor)

14.6.2 Comparison of Predicate Extension (Type $\langle \textbf{1},\langle \textbf{1},\textbf{1}\rangle \rangle$)

Russian has counterparts of English quantifiers with just one conservativity domain but two predicate properties; these include (ne) bol′še ... čem ‘(not) more ... than,’ (ne) men′še ... čem ‘(not) less ... than,’ te že ... čto/kotorye ‘the same ... as/which,’ stol′ko že ... skol′ko ‘as many ... as,’ covering the whole range of comparative operators as in previous subsection. These, too, are generally clause-final in the main clause. Examples:

(40)	a.	Na večerinkuprišlobol′šestudentov,čemgotovilos′ k èkzamenam.
		to partycamemorestudentsthanprepared for exams
		More students came to the party than studied for their exams

	b.	Rano prišli te žestudenty,čto /kotoryeušlipozdno.
		earlycamethe samestudentsthat /whichleftlate
		The same students came early as left late (≠ ‘The students who came early left late’ which is strictly weaker: one is a full equivalence and the other only a one-way implication)

	c.	Tam	rabotajut	te	že	prepodavateli,	čto	i	v	institute.
		there	work	those	emph	professors	that	also	in	institute
		The same professors work there as in the institute.

14.7 Type 〈2〉 Quantifiers

Russian has exact counterparts of most English type $\langle 2\rangle$ quantifiers (Keenan, 1992, Keenan, 1996) including those not reducible to the iterated application of two functions of type $\langle 1,1\rangle$:

(41)	a.	Kakie	studenty	otvetili		na	kakie	voprosy?
		which	students	answered on which questions
		Which students answered which questions?

	b.	Vsestudentyotvetilinaodni i te ževoprosy
		allstudentsanswered on one and the same questions
		All the students answered the same questions

	c.	Vsestudentyotvetilinaraznyevoprosy
		allstudents answered on different questions
		Each student answered a different question (for every two students, the sets of questions they answered were different)

	d.	Raznyestudenty otvetilinaraznyevoprosy
		different students answered on differentquestions
		Different students answered different questions (ambiguous between the reading of the sentence above and ‘for at least two students, the sets of questions they answered were different.’)

	e.	VanjaiPetjaživutvsosednixderevnjax.
		JohnandPeterliveinneighboringvillages
		John and Peter live in neighboring villages

	f.	Oniživutvraznyxkvartiraxvodnom i tom žezdanii.
		theyliveindifferentapartmentsinone and the samebuilding
		They live in different apartments in the same building

	g.	Na	vsex	učastnikax	byl	galstuk	odnogo	cveta.
		On	all	participants	was	necktie	one.Gen	color.Gen
		All the participants wore the same color necktie

	h.	Vanja	tanceval	s		Mašej,	no	bol′še	ni=kto
		John	danced	with		Mary	but	more	NI=who
		ni s	kem ne tanceval.
		NI with whom not danced.
		John danced with Mary but no one else danced with anyone else (Doesn’t sound right with a second bol′še ‘else’ after nikto)

	i.	Kartiny	nado	povesit′	v	raznyx	komnatax	ili
		paintings	should	hang	in	different	rooms	or
		na	protivopoložnyx stenax odnoj				komnaty.
		on	opposite	walls	one.Gen room.Gen
		The paintings should be hung in separate rooms or on opposite walls of the same room

	j.	(Raznye)	prisjažnye		sdelali	raznye	vyvody	iz	odnix	i
		(Different) jurors			made	different	conclusions	from	one	and
		tex že	argumentov
		the same arguments
		The/Different jurors drew different conclusions from the same arguments

In addition to these, instances of Hybrid Coordination (Section 14.21.2) are type $\langle 2\rangle$ (type $\langle n\rangle$, for n greater than 1) quantifiers which are expressed by a single syntactic constituent. Their meanings can always be paraphrased using a combination of some type $\langle 1\rangle$ quantifiers, so the meanings expressed are Fregean (but still of type $\langle 2\rangle$), with the possible exception of interrogative quantifiers.

14.8 Distributive Numerals and Binominal Each

In Russian the adverbial v obšchej složnosti ‘in total’ forces group (collective) readings in pairs of QNPs, každyj ‘each,’ either as a determiner or as a floating quantifier, forces distributive readings:

(42)	a.	Tri	prepodavatelja	proverili	v obščej složnosti	sto	rabot.
		three	instructors	graded	in total	100	exams
		Three instructors graded 100 exams between them / in total (just group/collective)
	b.	Tri	prepodavatelja	proverili	sto	rabot	každyj.
		three	instructors	graded	100	exams	each
		Three instructors graded 100 exams apiece / each (just a distributive, SWS reading)

Russian forms distributive quantified phrases with numerals using the preposition po (so one could say that Russian has both binominal each and distributive numerals, albeit not morphologically marked). Distributive po shows peculiar selection properties. Numerals tysjača ‘thousand,’ million ‘million,’ milliard ‘billion,’ odin ‘one,’ and those ending in odin ‘one’¹⁴ are in the dative case when combined with the distributive po, while noun phrases with other numerals are used in the nominative. Numeral odin ‘one’ can be omitted after distributive po as in (44a). Here are some naturally occurring examples (all but the first one are taken from NCRL):

(44)	a.	Každyj	govorit	o	predmete	po	(odnomu)	predloženiju.
		every	says	about	subject	PO	one.Dat	sentence.Dat
		‘Everybody says one sentence on the topic.’ (from a game description)

	b.	Po	dvadcati	odnomu	vagonu	v	každom	sostave	bylo.
		PO	twenty.Dat	one.Dat	car.Dat	in	each	train	was
		‘Every train had twenty one cars.’

	c.	Každyj	iz	nix	vložil	v	predprijatie	po	245	tysjač	dollarov.
		Each	of	them	invested	in	enterprise	PO	245	thousand	dollars
		‘Each of them invested 245,000 dollars into the enterprise.’

14.9 Mass Quantifiers and Count Classifiers

14.9.1 Count Noun Determiners

In Russian, numerals combine with count but not mass nouns: desjat′ domov ‘ten houses’ / #desjat′ vodorodov ‘ten hydrogens.’ But, as in English, numerals may induce a type reading with mass nouns: dva neploxix vina ‘two good wines’ = ‘two good types of wine,’ or a portion reading: dva saxara ‘two sugars’ = ‘two packs of sugar,’ tri piva ‘three beers’ = ‘three glasses of beer’. The determiners (ne)mnogie ‘(not) many’ and the oblique cases of skol′ko ‘how many, how much’ are morphologically plural and do not combine with mass nouns: ot skol′ki domov ‘from how many houses?’ / ot skol′ki *vodoroda/#vodorodov ‘from how many *hydrogen / #hydrogens?’ (but OK skol′ko vodoroda ‘how much hydrogen’). Nekotoryj ‘(a) certain’ can be either plural or singular but is not used with mass nouns: nekotoryj kod ‘a certain code,’ but #nekotoroe pivo ‘a certain beer.’

Neskol′ko ‘several’ in the modern language also combines only with count nouns, although historically it used to mean ‘some’ and combined with both mass and count nouns as in obsolete expressions neskol′ko vremeni ‘some time,’ neskol′ko deneg ‘some money’.

14.9.2 Two-Way Determiners

Most Dets in Russian combine with both mass and count nouns. Most of these quantifiers assign genitive singular (or partitive) to mass nouns, and genitive plural (or the greater paucal form) to count nouns. This includes proportional determiners. Determiner vs- ‘all’ does not assign case to its NP but rather agrees with it; it selects for plural and is used in the plural when combined with count nouns, and selects for singular and has a singular form with mass nouns.

(45)	a.	malostudentov /masla,desjat′procentovpodrostkov /zolota
		fewstudents.Gen /butter.Gen,tenper centteenagers /gold
		few students / little butter, ten per cent of teenagers / ten per cent of gold

	b.	vsedoma /vsëpivo,mnogookon /vina
		all.NomPlhouses.Nom /all.NomSgNbeer.Nom $\langle \textrm{N}\rangle$,a lot of windows /wine
		All (the) houses / all (the) beer, a lot of windows / a lot of wine
	c.	skol′ko-tomašin /reziny,ni=kakiemašiny /ni=kakajarezina
		somecars /rubber,NI=whichcars /ni=whichrubber
		(some/no) car(s) / (some/no) rubber,
	d.	nedostatočnostudentov /vina,malostudentov /vina
		not enoughstudentswine,littlestudentswine
		not enough students / not enough wine, few students / little wine

14.9.3 Mass Noun Determiners

There are no determiners in Russian that combine exclusively with mass nouns.

14.9.4 Numeral Classifiers

Classifiers are not grammaticized in Russian, but, as in English, there are nouns that convert mass terms into count ones, enabling us to combine them with numerals and mark plural: sto golov skota ‘100 head of cattle,’ pjat′ počatkov kukuruzy ‘five ears of corn’, odin kusok myla ‘a bar of soap’, neskol′ko listov bumagi ‘several sheets of paper’, odna buxanka xleba ‘a loaf of bread’. In addition to this, when counting people, the classifier čelovek ‘person’ can be used after numerals, followed by the noun phrase in genitive plural:

(46)	Sorok	pjat′	čelovek	rjadovyx	i odin lejtenant.
	forty	five	people	soldiers	and one lieutenant
	‘Forty five soldiers and one lieutenant.’ (From Ju. Dombrovsky, Obez′jana prixodit za svoim čerepom)

14.9.5 Containers and Measures

Container expressions are another way to convert mass to count terms, but they retain their meaning of a physical object. A distinction between dedicated containers and simple vessels which can accidentally be used as containers has been reported to find expression in Russian, see (Borschev and Partee, 2011, Partee and Borschev, In press). Syntactically container expressions are quantified noun phrases with a mass noun dependent in genitive or partitive:

(47)	dve	butylki	vina;	paket	moloka;	mnogo	korobok	konfet
	two	bottles	wine.Gen	bag	milk.Gen	many	boxes	candy.Gen
	‘two bottles of wine, a carton of milk, many boxes of candy’

For example, buying a bottle of milk usually includes buying a bottle, but it could also refer to filling one’s own bottle with milk. In other words, names of containers specify quantity (as measure phrases), but in addition to that require that the measured entity be in the specified container at some moment.

(48)	Petja	vypil	paket	moloka
	Peter	drank	bag	milk
	‘Peter drank a bag of milk’

Measure phrases, specifying pure quantity, have the same structure as container expressions (Russian is in this respect similar to Romanian and different from Greek, cf. Brasoveanu (2008), Stavrou (2003)). They assign partitive (or genitive) case to the mass noun:

(49)	dva	funta	syra / syru;	kilogramm	soli;	mnogo	tonn	nefti
	two	pounds	cheese.Gen/Part	kilogram	salt.Gen	many	tons	oil.Gen
	‘two pounds of cheese, a kilogram of salt, many tons of oil’

14.9.6 Space and Time Measures

Units of time and distance, like measure phrases, follow the metric system. Non-metric measure terms like sažen′ (distance, ≈7 feet), versta (distance, ≈ 3,500 feet), pud (weight, ≈36 lbs) are obsolete. A bare singular measure word can be used in the meaning of ‘one’, e.g. za minutu ‘in one minute’. Certain verb prefixes (pro-, ot-, do-, vy-) can add a space or time measure argument as the direct object. Space and time measure phrases in accusative case can function as adverbials (translated into English with the preposition for). To a limited extent such accusative adverbials are subject to the case alternation known as genitive of negation (Erschler, 2007), although whether different instances of genitive under negation can be unified is controversial (Franks and Dziwirek, 1993).

(50)	a.	Petja	bežal	tri	kilometra.
		Peter	ran	three	kilometers
		‘Peter ran for three kilometers.’
	b.	Ja	prospal	desjat′	časov.
		I	slept.for	ten	hours
		‘I slept for ten hours.’
	c.	Ja	vernus′	čerez	sem′	dnej.
		I	return.fut	after	seven	days
		‘I will return in seven days.’
	d.	V	nedele	sem′	dnej.
		in	week	seven	days
		‘There are seven days in a week.’

(51)	a.	Novogrodovka	naxodit=sja	v	soroka	kilometrax	ot	Donecka.
		Novogrodovka	finds=refl	in	forty	kilometers	from	Donetsk
		‘Novogrodovka is forty kilometers from Donetsk.’ (from world wide web)
	b.	Vanja	na	tri	santimetra	vyše,	čem	Petja.
		John	on	three	centimeters	taller	than	Peter
		‘John is three centimeters taller than Peter.’

14.10 Existential Construction

Existential sentences in Russian have the form ‘restricting prepositional phrase + copula + subject NP,’ and are a subtype of verbal sentences rather than a standalone construction. The present tense copula est′ ¹⁵ may be omitted in the presence of the restricting prepositional phrase.

(52)	a.	V klasse sejčas(est′)pjat′ učenikov;v prošlom godubylodesjat′.
		in class now (is)five students; in last yearwasten
		‘There are five students in the class now; last year there were ten (students in the class)’

	b.	V klasse sejčas	net	učenikov;	v prošlom godu	bylo	mnogo.
		in class now	is.no	students;	in last year	was	many
		‘There are no students in the class now; last year there were many (students in the class)’
	c.	V dome	kto-to	est′
		in house who-exist is
		‘There is someone in the house’
	d.	Kto	(est′)	v dome?
		who	(is)	in house
		‘Who is in the house?’
	e.	Est′	li	kto-libo	v dome?
		is	whether	who-libo	in house
		‘Is there anyone in the house?’
	f.	V dome	ni=kogo	net
		in house	NI=who	is.no
		‘There isn’t anyone in the house.’

The meaning of existence can also be expressed with a special verb suščestvovat′ ‘exist’ (examples from NCRL):

(53)	a.	Suščestvuet	tak	nazyvaemaja	Minskaja	gruppa	OBSE.
		exists	so	called	Minsk:Adj	group	OSCE
		‘There is the so-called OSCE Minsk Group’

	b.	Suščestvuet	celyj	rjad	takix	bibliotek.
		exists	whole	row	such	libraries.Gen
		‘There is quite a number of such libraries.’

Russian does not exhibit English-like restrictions on the determiners in existential statements:

(54)	a.	V	klasse	est′	vse	studenty.
		in	class	is	all	students
		‘All students are in the class.’
	b.	V	klasse	est′	bol′šinstvo	studentov.
		in	class	is	most	students
		‘Most students are in the class.’
	c.	V	klasse	est′	Vanja.
		in	class	is	John
		‘John is in the class.’

Negative existential statements, as in the examples below, use the same negative particle ne as in simple declarative sentences. Present tense is exceptional, though: instead of *ne est′ Russian uses the special form net or (colloquial) netu.¹⁶ Pivot NPs are in the genitive case under negation.

(55)	a.	V	slovare	net /netu	risunkov.
		in	dictionary	is.no	pictures.gen
		‘There are no pictures in the dictionary’
	b.	V	slovare	ne	bylo	risunkov.
		in	dictionary	not	was	pictures.gen
		‘There were no pictures in the dictionary’
	c.	V	slovare	ne	budet	risunkov.
		in	dictionary	not	be.fut	pictures.gen
		‘There will be no pictures in the dictionary’

Existential copula byt′ ‘be’ is also used as the default way to express possession, with the possessor expressed by a prepositional phrase with the preposition u:

(56)	a.	U	menja	net / netu	risunkov.
		at	I.gen	is.no	pictures.gen
		‘I have no pictures.’

	b.	U	menja	est′	risunki.
		at	I.gen	is	pictures.gen
		‘I have (some) pictures.’
	c.	U	menja	byli	risunki.
		at	I.gen	were	pictures.gen
		‘I had (some) pictures.’

Barbara Partee identified one context in Russian in which the definiteness effect does manifest itself in existential statements (Partee, 2010, 10).

(57)	U	nego	est′	OKodna /	*každaja	sestra.
	of	he.gen	is	one /	*every	sister
	‘He has one / *every sister.’

This applies only to possessive statements with relational nouns in them; other cases may be analyzed as ambiguous between existential and locative (Partee and Borschev, 2007).

14.11 Floating Quantifiers

Russian, as English, allows vse ‘all’ and oba ‘both’ to be part of the predicate as well as of a noun phrase. Examples:

(58)	a.	Eti studenty včera oba gotovilis′ k èkzamenam.
		these students yesterday both prepared to exams
		‘Yesterday these students both studied for their exams.’

	b.	Oba	studenta	včera	gotovilis′ k èkzamenam.
		Both	students	yesterday prepared to exams
		‘Yesterday both students studied for their exams.’

	c.	Petja	i	Vanja	včera	oba	gotovilis′ k èkzamenam.
		Peter and John			yesterday	both prepared to exams
		‘Yesterday Peter and John both studied for their exams.’

	d.	Èti	studenty	včera		vse	gotovilis′ k èkzamenam.
		these students yesterday all prepared to exams
		‘Yesterday these students all studied for their exams.’

	e.	Vse	èti	studenty	včera		gotovilis′ k èkzamenam.
		all	these students yesterday prepared to exams
		‘Yesterday all these students studied for their exams.’

	f.	Maša,	Petja	i	Vanja	včera	vse	gotovilis′ k èkzamenam.
		Mary	Peter and John			yesterday	all	prepared to exams
		‘Yesterday Mary, Peter, and John all studied for their exams.’

Numerals do not usually occur in the same form in predicates as within noun phrases; instead, special adverbial forms are used: vdvoëm ‘two in quantity,’ vtroëm ‘three in quantity,’ včetverom ‘four in quantity,’ etc. These adverbs, however, not only specify quantity but also force a group reading; this component of their meaning may be translated as ‘together:’

(59)	a.	Èti	dva	studenta	včera	gotovilis′ k èkzamenam.
		these	two	students	yesterday	prepared for exams
		‘Yesterday these two students studied for their exams.’ = ‘Yesterday these students both studied for their exams.’
	b.	Èti	studenty	včera	vdvoëm	gotovilis′ k èkzamenam.
		these	students	yesterday	in.two	prepared for exams
		‘Yesterday these two students studied for their exams (together)’ ≠ ‘Yesterday these students both studied for their exams.’

To the extent that floating numerals are acceptable, collective numerals (troe ‘3’, četvero ‘4’, pjatero ‘5’ etc.) are preferable compared to cardinal numerals (e.g. tri, četyre, pjat′)

(60)	a.	Èti	tri	studenta	včera	gotovilis′ k èkzamenam.
		these	three	students	yesterday	prepared for exams
		‘Yesterday these three students studied for their exams.’

	b.	Ètistudentyvčera*tri / ?troe (OK vtroëm)
		these students yesterday *three.Card/?Coll (OK in.three)
		gotovilis′ k èkzamenam.
		prepared for exams
		‘Yesterday these three students studied for their exams.’

14.12 Quantifiers as Predicates

In Russian, not only cardinal numerals and value judgment cardinals can function as predicates but also measure phrases and container phrases. Count terms as subjects of quantifier predicates accept the genitive plural form, even if the numeral that functions as a predicate combines with the smaller count form, as dva does, or with nominative singular, as dvadcat′ odin does. One exception to this is the predicate odin ‘one’, which combines with nominative subjects. Mass terms take partitive (singular) form:

(61)	a.	Student	byl	odin.
		student.NomSg	was	one
		‘The student was one in number.’
	b.	Studentov	bylo	dva.
		student.GenPl	was	two
		‘The students were two in number.’

	c.	Studentov	bylo	pjat′.
		student.GenPl	was	five
		‘The students were five in number.’
	d.	Studentov	bylo	dvadcat′	odin.
		student.GenPl	was	twenty	one
		‘The students were five twenty one.’
	e.	Studentov	bylo	pjat′	vagonov.
		student.GenPl	was	five	car
		‘The students were five (train) cars in volume.’
	f.	Muki	bylo	pjat′	jaščikov.
		flour.GenSg	was	five	cases
		‘The flour was five cases in volume.’
	g.	Vody	bylo	pjat′	litrov.
		water.GenSg	was	five	liters
		‘The water was five liters in volume.’

14.13 Determiners Functioning as Arguments

All determiners can function as NPs in elliptical contexts, as seen in the following example:

(62)	Galstuki	byli	nedorogi,	tak čto	ja	primeril
	ties	were	inexpensive	so	I	fit
	tri,	neskol′ko,	bol′šinstvo,	mnogo,	vse,	každyj
	three	several	many	most	all	every
	‘The ties were inexpensive so I tried on three, several, a few, many, most of them, them all, each one.’

14.14 Relations Between Universal, Existential, and Interrogative Pronouns

As mentioned in the beginning of this article, many pronouns and pronominal adverbs are organized in series. This means systematic formal relations between e.g. interrogative pronouns and universal pronouns: kogda ‘when’, vsegda ‘always’ (temporal adverb), čego ‘of what’, vsego ‘of everything’ (Genitive singular inanimate), čemu ‘to what’, vsemu ‘to everything’ (Dative singular inanimate), gde ‘where’, vezde ‘everywhere’ (locative adverb, with voicing of /k/ of the interrogative stem and /s/ of the universal stem). The formal relation of interrogatives with universals (and demonstratives) is a heritage of Proto-Slavic where this relation was very regular. But synchronically the formal correspondence has been obscured in many cases by morphological innovations and semantic shifts, cf. formal differences in kak ‘how’ and vsjako ‘in all ways’; otkuda ‘whence’ and otovsjudu ‘from everywhere’; sometimes the universal counterpart to interrogatives is missing as with skol′ko ‘how many’, začem ‘what for.’

The derivation of various quantifiers which are formally based on interrogative pronouns by means of prefixes or postfixes is fully regular and productive. For instance, Russian can form certain (‘free choice’) quantifiers with the universal reading from interrogative ones using the postfix ugodno: kto ugodno ‘whoever’, čto ugodno ‘whatever’, kogda ugodno ‘whenever’, gde ugodno ‘wherever’, kak ugodno ‘however’, počemu ugodno ‘for any reason’. Their usage as universals is licensed by a modal operator, so that they can be rendered through English any- pronouns, cf. examples (from world wide web):

(63)	a.	Zdes′	možno	otpravit′	čto	ugodno	za	voznagraždenie.
		Here	possible	send.inf	what	ever	for	reward
		‘For a fee, one can send anything here.’ (= for all X, one can send X here for a fee)

	b.	Ja budukemugodno,liš ′bybyt′stoboj.
		I be.fut who everjust Subj be.inf with you
		‘I will be anything just to be with you.’ (= for all properties X, if being X is required to be with you, I will be X)

Existential (‘indefinite’) pronouns are all based on interrogatives, derived with a prefix (koe-, ne-) or a postfix (-libo, -to, -nibud ′).

14.15 Decreasing Quantifiers

14.15.1 Decreasing Determiners

Russian does have determiners which build decreasing NPs. Some intersective ones are problematic due to negative concord: any sentence with ni odin ‘not one’ or nikakoj ‘no’ has to contain a sentence-level negation ne, itself a decreasing operator, so that these quantifiers are preferably analyzed as denoting increasing determiners.¹⁷ Two options are open and have been advocated: existential quantifiers obligatorily interpreted under the scope of negation,¹⁸ and universal quantifiers obligatorily outscoping negation (Abels, 2005).

(64)	Ni	odin	student	ne	prišël	na	lekciju.
	NI	one	student	not	came	on	lecture
	‘No students came to the lecture.’ (Intersective; negative concord)

Still, there are decreasing determiners that are not involved in negative concord. Examples:

(65)	a.	Prisutstvovalo			men′še	pjati	studentov.
		attended			fewer	five	students
		‘Fewer than five students attended.’

	b.	Ne	vse	deti	mnogo	plačut.
		Not	all	children	a lot	cry
		‘Not all children cry a lot.’ (Co-intersective)

	c.	Men′še	četverti	studentov	sdali	èkzamen.
		Less	quarter	students	passed	exam
		‘Less than a quarter of the students passed the exam.’ (Proportional)

	d.	Ne	bolee	semi	iz	desjati	morjakov	kurjat	sigary.
		not	more	seven	from	ten	sailors	smoke	cigars
		‘Not more than seven out of ten sailors smoke cigars.’

14.15.2 Quantificational Negative Polarity Items

The closest Russian correspondence to English quantificational NPIs are quantifier words with the postfix -libo (see also Section 14.1.12). They are licensed in decreasing contexts, with the exception that they usually do not co-occur with the same-clause sentential negation ne (in those contexts, a ni-word is used instead, as in (66a)). -libo-quantifiers are only possible in negative contexts if they are licensed by a different operator (e.g. the conditional operator) and take scope over negation, cf. (66b):

(66)

a.

Ni

Vanja,

ni

Petja

nikogda

ne

byli

v

Moskve.

Nor

John

nor

Peter

never

not

were

in

Moscow

‘Neither John nor Peter have ever been to Moscow.’

b.

Esli ni

Vanja,

ni

Petja

nikogda

ne

byli

gde-libo...

if nor

John

nor

Peter

never

not

were

where-libo

‘If there’s a place that neither John nor Peter have ever been to...’

c.

Ne

bolee

dvux

učenikov

videli

na

progulke

kakix-libo ptic.

Not

more

two

students

saw

on

walk

which-libo

birds

‘Not more than two students saw any birds on the walk.’

	d.	Men′še poloviny zdeš=nix studentov kogda-libo byli v Pinske.
		Less half here=Adj students when-libo were in Pinsk
		‘Less than half the students here have ever been to Pinsk.’

Indefinites of the -nibud′ series are not NPIs but may be characterized as affective polarity items (Giannakidou, 1998). They are found in the scope of modals and distributive quantifiers (Pereltsvaig, 2006a, Yanovich, 2005).

14.16 Distribution of QNPs

14.16.1 Some Restrictions on QNP Distribution

QNPs in Russian can occur in all major grammatical functions, including subject, object, object of adposition, and possessor. This is constrained by the fact that some QNPs can only be used as nominative or accusative but not oblique case (as exemplified in (67d) by a QNP with the preposition okolo ‘about’). Examples:

(67)	a.	Vanja otvetil liš ′ na tri vopros=a na èkzamene.
		John answered just on three.Acc question=GenSg on exam
		‘John answered just three questions on the exam.’

	b.	Jaotvetilnavsevopros=y,krome odnogo.
		Ianswered on all.Acc questions=Acc except one
		‘I answered all but one question / all but one of the questions.’

	c.	Mašaotvetilanabol′šinstvo / tričetvertivoprosov.
		Maryanswered on most /three quarters questions
		‘Mary answered most / three quarters of the questions.’

	d.	Bibliotekaposlalaizveščenieneskol′kim /vsem
		librarysentnoticeseveral /all
		studentam /primernopolovine /*okolo poloviny studentov.
		students.Dat /approximatelyhalf.Dat /*about half.Gen students
		‘The library sent a notice to several students / all the students / about half the students.’

	e.	Byli	arestovany	vrači	dvux	studentov.
		were	arrested	doctors	two.Gen	students.Gen
		‘Two students’ doctors were arrested.’

	f.	Vrač	každogo	studenta		vysoko kvalificirovan.
		doctor	every.Gen	student.Gen highly			qualified
		‘Every / Each student’s doctor is well qualified.’

	g.	Vanja	oprosil	vračej	bol′šinstva		studentov.
		John	interviewed	doctors	most.Gen		students.Gen
		‘John interviewed most of the students’ doctors.’

	h.	Vanja	oprosil	okolo	tysjači			studentov.
		John	interviewed	about	thousand.Gen students.Gen
		‘John interviewed about a thousand students.’

	i.	Vanjaznakoms(*okolo)tysjačejstudentov.
		John acquainted with (*about) thousand.Instr students.Gen
		‘John knows about a thousand students.’

	j.	*Vanjaznakomsokolotysjačistudentov.
		John acquainted with about thousand.Gen students.Gen
		‘John knows about a thousand students.’ (s assigns instrumental case, and an okolo-modified QNP can only function as nominative, accusative, or genitive)

14.16.2 Dislocated QNPs

QNPs generally occupy the same positions as definite NPs. Wh-quantifiers, fronted to the sentence edge, are one natural class of exceptions. Overtly negated NPs occur either topicalized (sentence-initially) or in the sentence-final position; in the latter case, they always bear the nuclear pitch accent:

(68)	a.	Ne	každyj	student	otvetil	na	každyj	vopros.
		not	every	student	answered	on	every	question
		‘Not every student answered every question.’
	b.	Vanja	otvetil	ne	na	každyj	vopros.
		John	answered	not	on	every	question
		‘John answered not every question.’

14.17 Scope Ambiguities

In Russian, scope ambiguities do arise when two or more arguments of a given predicate can be bound simultaneously by QNPs, but the preferred scope follows the surface order of QNPs:

(69)	a.	Nekotoryj	redaktor	pročël	každuju	rukopis′.
		some	editor	read	everj	manuscript
		Some editor read every manuscript (Scope ambiguous in Russian, like its English counterpart)
	b.	Každuju	rukopis′	pročël	nekotoryj	redaktor.
		every	manuscript	read	some	editor
		Some editor read every manuscript (Scope ambiguous in Russian, as its English counterpart)

Two scope readings are available:

• Subject Wide Scope (SWS, much more readily available for (69a) than for (69b)): There is one editor x such that x read all the manuscripts.

• Object Wide Scope (OWS, much more readily available for (69b) than for (69a)): Each manuscript is such that at least one editor read it (possibly different editors read different manuscripts).

(70)	Tri	prepodavatelja	proverili	sto	rabot.
	three	instructors	graded	100	exams
	Three instructors graded 100 exams.

As in the English translation, both SWS and OWS readings are marginal; the group reading is the prominent one:

• SWS: There are 3 instructors each one of which graded 100 exams.

• OWS: There are 100 exams such that each instructor graded them.

• Group: There is a group of 3 instructors and a group of 100 exams and the group of instructors graded the group of exams.

• Cumulative: There is a group of 3 instructors and each of them graded some exams. The total number of graded exams is 100.

Modified numerals tend to force narrow scope with regard to a preceding QNP:

(71)	Každyj	student	pročël	odnu	p′esu	Šekspira		na	kanikulax.
	each	student	read	one	play	Shakespeare.Gen		on	vacation
	Each student read one Shakespeare play over the vacation (Scope ambiguous; only SWS if odin receives a phrasal accent)

(72)	Každyj	student	pročël	ne	menee	odnoj	p′esy	Šekspira.
	each	student	read	not	less	one	play	Shakespeare.Gen
	Each student read at least one Shakespeare play (Just SWS reading)

The scope of negative concord items, tied to the scope of sentential negation, follows the surface order of QNPs. The following examples are interpreted with SWS:

(73)

a.

Ni

odin

politik

ne

poceloval

každogo

rebënka

na

jarmarke.

nor

one

politician

not

kissed

every

baby

on

fair

‘No politician kissed every baby at the fair.’ (Just SWS)

	b.	Bol′šinstvo politikovnepocelovaloniodnogo rebënka na jarmarke.
		Mostpoliticians not kissednoronebabyonfair
		Most politicians kissed no baby at the fair (SWS; but focusing the object QNP makes inverse scope possible, as in the question-answer pair How many babies did most politicians kiss at the fair? – Most politicians kissed NO babies at the fair).

	c.	Liš ′odinstudentneotvetilninaodinvoprosnaèkzamene.
		justonestudentnotanswerednorononequestiononexam
		Just one student answered no question on the exam (SWS only).

	d.	Vsestudenty,kromeodnogo,otvetilipo krajnej mere na odin
		allstudentsexceptoneanswered at ultimate measure on one
		voprosnaèkzamene.
		question on exam
		All but one student answered at least one question on the exam. (SWS only; OWS somewhat facilitated by focusing the object QNP as expressed by pitch accent on na odin)

As in English, different choices of D-quantifier lend themselves to different judgments of scope (non-)ambiguity even when the Ds are otherwise near synonyms. Namely, among universal quantifiers, the distributive každyj more easily gets wide scope than the collective vse:

(74)	a.	Nekotoryj / Kakoj-to	redaktor	pročël	vse	rukopisi.
		some	editor	read	all	manuscripts
		Some editor read all the manuscripts (Just SWS)

	b.	Nekotoryj / Kakoj-to	redaktor	pročël	každuju	rukopis′.
		some	editor	read	every/each	manuscript
		Some editor read every/each manuscript (both scope ambiguous)

(75)	a.	(Na stole ležala)	fotografija	vsex	studentov.
		(on the table lay)	picture	all	students.Gen
		A picture of all the students (was on the table) [Meaning conveyed: one picture, many students]
	b.	(Na stole ležala)	fotografija	každogo	studenta.
		(on the table lay)	picture	every	student.Gen
		A picture of each student (was on the table) [Possibly as many pictures as students; some but not all of them may have joint pictures]

14.17.1 Scope Ambiguity Asymmetries in Wh-Questions

Wh-quantifiers outscope all other quantifiers in the question, except for každyj ‘every, each,’ which can scope above the wh-quantifier, giving rise to pair list readings. For example, the first two questions below just have a SWS reading.

(76)	a.	Kakojstudentotvetilna bol′šinstvo voprosov (na èkzamene)?
		which student answered on most questions (on the exam)?
		Which student answered the most (the largest number of) questions (on the exam)?

	b.	Kakoj student otvetil na vse voprosy (na èkzamene)?
		which student answered on all questions (on the exam)?
		Which student answered all the questions (on the exam)?

	c.	Na	kakoj	vopros	otvetil	každyj	student?
		on	which	question	answered	each	student
		Which question did each student answer? (Both SWS and OWS)
		SWS: For each student x, identify the question x answered OWS: Identify a unique question y with the property that each student answered y.

	d.	Na	kakoj	vopros	otvetili	vse	studenty?
		on	which	question	answered	all	students
		Which question did all the students answer? (Just OWS)

14.17.2 Self Embedding of QNPs

The choices of Dets on the whole NP and on the embedded NP are fairly independent:

(77)	(kakoj-to)	drug	každogo	senatora,	dva	druga	každogo
	(some)	friend	every	senator.Gen,	two	friends	every
	senatora,	každyj	drug	každogo	senatora
	senator.Gen,	every	friend	every	senator.Gen
	‘a friend of every senator, two friends of every senator, every friend of every senator’

These expressions are in principle scope ambiguous. They are preferably interpreted with possessor wide scope ‘for every senator, two of his friends’ or ‘for every senator y, a/some/every friend of y;’ possessor narrow scope readings ‘some x / every x such that x is a friend of every senator’ and ‘two people each of whom is a friend of every senator’ are also available in (77).

14.17.3 A- and D-Quantifiers

Scope ambiguity between nominal and verbal quantifiers is possible:

(78)	Dva	mal′čika	speli	triždy.
	Two	boys	sang	three times
	‘Two boys sang three times.’

The preferable reading of the last example is the group reading ‘there were two boys who sang three times together.’ However, both the SWS reading ‘there are two boys who sang three times each’ and the OWS reading ‘on three occasions there were two boys who sang’ are available.

14.18 One to One Dependency: The Indexing Function of Universal Quantifier

Determiners vsë bol′še ‘more and more’ and vsë men′še ‘less and less’ involve quantification over times. Sometimes the domain of quantification is expressed in a prepositional phrase with the preposition s ‘with,’ e.g. s každym godom ‘every year,’ so vremenem ‘over time,’ s vozrastom ‘with age’ = ‘as one grows up.’ Overt quantifiers other than the universal každyj do not appear in the domain of quantification:

(79)	S	každym	godom	vsë	bol′še	ljudej	pokupajut	Tojotu.
	with	every	year	all	more	people	buy	Toyota
	‘More people buy Toyotas every year’ (but not *s nekotorym godom ‘*some year’, *s pjat′ju godami ‘*five years’)

Another construction that conveys a meaning similar to that of the preposition s is ‘iz + measure + v + measure’:

(80)	Iz	goda	v	god	vsë	bol′še	ljudej	pokupajut	Tojotu.
	from	year	to	year	all	more	people	buy	Toyota
	‘More people buy Toyotas every year’

The usual way to use the domain of the universal každyj as an index set for another quantifier over individuals is to use construction na + NP _Acc + prixodit′sja + NP _Nom :

(81)	Na	každogo	žitelja	respubliki	prixoditsja	31,5 gektara zemli.
	on	every	resident	republic.Gen	corresponds	31.5 hectares of land
	‘For each resident of the republic, there are 31.5 hectares of land.’

14.19 Rate Phrases

To indicate rate, a preposition v + measure _Acc is used:

(82)	a.	Vnedeljuja probegaju pjat′desjat kilometrov.
		Inweek.AccIrunfifty.Acckilometers
		‘I run fifty kilometers a week.’
	b.	Vsrednem v den′prixoditpjat′-sem′
		In average in day.Acc comes five.Nom - seven.Nom
		posetitelej.
		visitors
		‘On average, 5–7 visitors come daily.’ (NCRL)

Rate phrases are constructed in the form ‘amount A + v + measure m _Acc ’, e.g. metr v sekundu ‘a meter per second’. For adverbial usage, a rate phrase (in nominative) is subordinated to the phrase so skorost′ju ‘with a speed (of)’ or na skorosti ‘at the speed (of)’ when indicating motion speed, e.g.:

(83)	Ètotpoezdedetsoskorost′jučetyrestakilometrovvčas
	thistraingoeswithspeed400.Nom kilometers.Paucal in hour.Acc
	‘That train is traveling at 400 kilometers per hour.’

No preposition is required for rate phrases with raz ‘time’ or adverbs in -ždy (see Section 14.2.4):

(84)	Vanja	umyvaetsja	dvaždy	/	dva	raza	v	den′	/	každyj	den′.
	John	washes.face	twice	/	two	times	in	day	/	every	day
	John washes his face twice a day / three times a day / every day

14.19.1 ‘Every x and y’

Russian, like English, uses combinations of determiners with conjunction i ‘and’ to form quantifiers out of multiple noun phrases. Russian uses i in negative contexts where English may use or in analogous constructions. Such coordination may be interpreted as boolean if the common nouns are assumed to be not of type (et) but of the more complex (lifted) type ((et,(et,t)),(et,t))¹⁹:

(85)	a.	Každyj	mužčina	i	ženščina …	platjat		po	šest′	šillingov	v god
		every	man	and	woman	pay		PO	six	shillings	in year
		‘Every man and woman pays six shillings a year’ (NCRL)

	b.	Každyjgubernatorimèr soderžat ogromnoe množestvo ...
		Everygovernorandmayorsupportgreatset
		gazet
		newspapers.Gen
		‘Every governor and mayor support an enormous number of newspapers.’ (adapted from NCRL, = ‘every governor and every mayor...,’ ≠‘everyone who is both a governor and a mayor...’)

	c.	Nikakogo	pistoleta	i	dubinki	u	nego	net!
		no	gun	and	truncheon	at	him	is.not
		‘He has no gun or truncheon!’ (NCRL)

14.20 Miscellaneous

14.20.1 Structural Complexity of Quantifiers

The following quantifier stems are synchronically monomorphemic: k- ‘who,’ č- ‘what,’ vs- ‘all,’ každ- ‘every,’ ljub- ‘any,’ numerals 0–10, 40, 100, 1000, mnog- ‘many, lots,’ mal- ‘few,’ pol- ‘half,’ poltor- ‘one and half,’ ob- ‘both.’

The following quantifiers, in addition to the ones with stems listed above, are just one phonological word. Note that prepositions, negative particle ne, and pronoun series markers do not form phonological words on their own but plausibly add more grammatical structure:

• kakoj ‘which,’ skol ′ko ‘how many,’ kogda ‘when,’ kak ‘how,’ gde ‘where,’ kuda ‘to where,’ otkuda ‘from where,’ dokuda ‘till where,’ začem ‘for what purpose,’ počemu ‘why;’

• vsjakij ‘every,’ vsegda ‘always,’ vezde ‘everywhere,’ vsjudu ‘to everywhere,’ otovsjudu ‘from everywhere;’

• nikto ‘nobody,’ ničto ‘nothing,’ nikakoj ‘no,’ niskol ′ko ‘not a single,’ nikogda ‘never,’ nikak ‘no way,’ nigde ‘nowhere,’ nikuda ‘to nowhere,’ niotkuda ‘from nowhere,’ nizačem ‘for no purpose;’

• kto-to ‘somebody,’ čto-to ‘something,’ kakoj-to ‘some,’ skol ′ko-to ‘some quantity of,’ kogda-to ‘sometime,’ kak-to ‘in some way,’ gde-to ‘somewhere,’ kuda-to ‘to somewhere,’ otkuda-to ‘from somewhere,’ začem-to ‘for some purpose;’ dokuda-to ‘till somewhere,’ počemu-to ‘for some reason;’

• other series of quantifiers formed from interrogatives with prefixal and postfixal clitics koe-, -libo, -nibud ′, ne- ²⁰;

• bol′še ‘more,’ men ′še ‘less;’

• ni odin ‘not one,’ nemnogo, nemnogie ‘few,’ mnogočislennyj ‘numerous,’ (ne)dostatočno ‘(in)sufficiently many;’

• numerals 11–20, 30, 50, 60, 70, 80, 90, 200, 300, 400, 500, 600, 700, 800, 900;

• simple numerals with unaccented prepositional ‘modifiers’, including distributive po: do pjati ‘up to five’, po dva ‘two apiece’ etc.

• inogda ‘sometimes,’ dvaždy ‘twice,’ triždy ‘three times,’ četyreždy ‘four times;’ obsolete odnaždy ‘once’ and mnogaždy ‘many times;’

• ne vse ‘not everybody / not all,’ ne vsë ‘not everything / not all,’ ne vsyakij ‘not every,’ ne vsegda ‘not always,’ ne vezde ‘not everywhere,’ ne vsjudu ‘not to everywhere,’ ne otovsjudu ‘not from everywhere;’

• bol ′šinstvo ‘a majority of,’ men′šinstvo ‘a minority of,’ polovina ‘half,’ tret ′ ‘third,’ četvert ′ ‘quarter;’

• (ne)často ‘(not) often’, v osnovnom ‘mostly’, obyčno ‘usually’, redko ‘seldom’, v celom ‘generally.’

• (1) Russian has a monomorphemic stem for ‘all’ in vse ‘everybody, all’ and vsë ‘everything, all.’

• (2) Russian has a monomorphemic stem od(i)n- for ‘one.’ While there is no special indefinite article and bare noun phrases can be interpreted as indefinite, odin, as in English, is sometimes used to express indefiniteness.

• (3) Russian has a monomorphemic proportional determiner pol ‘half’. However, it is a clitic rather than a separate phonological word. Chasto ‘often’ is not monomorphemic since it contains the adverb suffix -o.

• (4) Russian has two monomorphemic value judgment quantifier stems, mnog- ‘many’ and mal- ‘few.’

• (5) Russian lacks a monomorphemic determiner translating no.

• (6) Russian has at least four universal D-quantifiers: každyj, vsjakij ‘each, every,’ vse ‘all (the),’ ljuboj ‘any’. Vse is the only collective one. Determiner vsjakij is reported (Padučeva, 1989a) to quantify only over infinite sets. ‘Infinite’ here should be probably understood as ‘open-ended’. Vsjakij is thus similar to the free choice uses of English any. Vsjakij is somewhat archaic, restricted mostly to mathematical usage.

• (7) It is hard to tell whether A-quantifiers are morphosyntactically more complex than D-quantifiers in the case of často ‘frequently’ and redko ‘rarely,’ related to častyj ‘frequent’ and redkij ‘rare.’ Where adjectives have agreement markers (e.g. -yj for Nominative singular masculine) adverbs place a constant adverbial suffix -o. Dvaždy ‘twice,’ triždy ‘three times,’ četyreždy ‘four times’ are built from simpler dva ‘two,’ tri ‘three,’ četyre ‘four.’ V osnovnom ‘mostly’ has an internal structure of a prepositional phrase, and n raz ‘n times,’ mnogo raz ‘many times’ have the internal structure of an NP.

14.20.2 Only

The particle tol′ko ‘only’ functions like English only, except it cannot semantically combine with a proper subconstituent of its syntactic scope:

(86)	a.	Tol′ko	Vanja	polučil	priz.
		Only	John	got	prize
		‘Only John got a prize.’
	b.	Tol′ko	studenty	prisutstvovali	na	ceremonii.
		Only	students	were	on	ceremony
		‘Only students attended the ceremony.’(= everybody who attended the ceremony were students)
	c.	Petja	tol′ko	pil	pivo.
		Peter	only	drank	beer
		‘All Peter did was drink beer.’ (not ‘All that Peter drank was beer,’ a possible meaning in English)

In addition to tol ′ko, the meaning ‘only’ can be rendered by the particle liš ′ or the combination of the two tol ′ko liš ′

(87)	a.	Botaniki		priznajut	liš ′	4	‘xorošix’		vida	astrofitumov.
		botanists		recognize		just	4	‘good’	species astrophyta.Gen
		‘Botanists recognize only 4 ‘true’ species of astrophyta.’ (NCRL)

	b.	No	vsë	èto	liš ′	tol′ko	raz	v	godu.
		But	all	this	just	only	time	in	year
		‘But all this happens only one time in a year.’ (NCRL)

Determiner odin ‘one’ is yet another way to express ‘only.’ Unlike the particles tol ′ko and liš ′, odin combines only with nouns and agrees with them in case, number, and gender:

(88)	a.	Arestovali odnogo Andreja.
		Arrested	one.AccSgM Andrew.Acc.
		‘Only Andrew was arrested.’ (NCRL)
	b.	U	nas	v	sem′e	odni	devčonki.
		at	us	in	family	one.NomPl	girl.NomPl
		‘There are only girls in our family.’ (NCRL)
	c.	pitat′=sja odnimi pel′menjami
		feed.Inf=Refl one.InstrPl dumpling.InstrPl.
		‘to eat only dumplings’ (NCRL)

14.21 Additions

14.21.1 Obscene Quantifiers

Some quantifier expressions in Russian are idioms based on words with emotional connotations, more specifically, on certain masculine stems. These include: čërt ‘devil,’ tabooed xuj ‘penis,’ and euphemisms of the latter: xren ‘horseradish,’ xer ‘letter X,’ fig ‘fig’ (xer and fig are obsolete in their literal meanings).

The following models freely combine with these words giving quantifiers: ni Xá ‘nothing,’ ‘not at all;’ do X´a or do Xá ‘plenty;’ na Xá ‘what for (usually in rhetorical questions);’ kakogo X´a ‘why (usually in rhetorical questions).’ In all these models the noun is in genitive singular but the stress placement is determined by the construction and may be different from the usual stress in genitive. Examples:

(89)	a.	Kakogo			xér=a	ty	pritaščila	eë	sjuda?
		which.Gen			xer=Gen	thou	dragged	her	here
		‘Why did you take her here?’ (NCRL)

	b.	Ix	tam	v	èto	vremja	do	čërt=a.
		they	there	in	this	time	till	devil.Gen
		‘There are plenty (of them) there at this time.’ (NCRL)

	c.	Ni	čert=á	on	ot	menja	ne	polučit.
		NI	devil=Gen	he	from	me	not	get.Fut
		‘He won’t get anything from me.’ (NCRL)

Rarely, the feminine pizda ‘vulva’ is found in similar constructions: ni pizdy (genitive) ‘nothing,’ kakoj pizdy (genitive) ‘why.’

14.21.2 Hybrid Coordination

Russian allows coordination of constituents (arguments or adjuncts) of different categories given that they include the same type of quantifier. Semantically, they can be analyzed as resumptive quantifiers of that type (i.e. quantifiers over pairs or tuples):

(90)	a.	Vsem, vezde i vse do lampočki
		everyone.Dat everywhere and everything.Nom don’t care
		‘nobody cares about anything anywhere’ = for all triples (x,y,z) [x doesn’t care about y in the place z]
	b.	Kto-to	i		kogo-to			obidel
		someoneNom and someoneAcc offended
		‘someone offended somebody’ = for some pair (x,y) [x offended y]
	c.	Ni=kto	i	ni	ot	kogo	ix	ne	skryvaet
		NI=who	and	NI	from	whom	them	not	conceals
		‘nobody conceals them from anyone’ = for no pair (x,y) [x conceals them from y]
	d.	Kto	i	kogda	tebe	skažet	pravdu?
		who	and	when	you	tell	truth
		‘who will tell you the truth and when?’ = for what pair (x,y) [x will tell you the truth at moment y]

See Chaves and Paperno (2007); Kazenin (2000), Paperno (2009) for more syntactic and semantic data.