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Bargaining Over What We Were All in Together: Citizenship and Belongingness in the 2017 Qatar-Gulf Crisis

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Reconciliation, Heritage and Social Inclusion in the Middle East and North Africa

Abstract

The Gulf crisis occurred in June 2017, representing an exceptional opportunity to explore the new emerging state-society through the lenses of citizenship and belongingness. This study explored recent legal developments, the official narrative, and social media activity to advance the sociopolitical understanding of the concepts of both citizenship and belongingness by exploring Qatar within the context of this crisis. It shows that the crisis threatened the state’s stability and social fabric, resulting in a significant surge in the sense of belonging among people living in Qatar, a less guarded environment around citizenship, and a greater potential for overcoming long inherent patterns based on maintaining the state autonomy from the societal base. However, it raises the state’s urgency to address citizenship rights for the most disadvantaged, including children and non-Qatari spouses of Qatari women, and other longtime residents petitioning for citizenship based on cultural and familial ties to the land.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Gumuchian and Abedine, “Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain withdraw envoys from Qatar”, March 05, (2014), Retrieved from https://edition.cnn.com/2014/03/05/world/meast/gulf-qatar-ambassadors/index.html.

  2. 2.

    The list of 13 demands issued by Saudi Arabia and can be accessed at: Patrick Wintour, “Qatar given 10 days to meet 13 sweeping demands by Saudi Arabia”, June 23, (2017), Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jun/23/close-al-jazeera-saudi-arabia-issues-qatar-with-13-demands-to-end-blockade.

  3. 3.

    Ulrichsen, Qatar, and the Gulf crisis (2020), p. 2.

  4. 4.

    Barakat, Milton and Elkahlout (2020). The impact of the Gulf crisis on Qatar’s humanitarian sector. Disasters 4, p. 63.

  5. 5.

    Experts argue that there was an attempt of regime change in Doha; this strains the traditional rentier arrangements and relies on the ideological assumption that the fragility of traditional ties with state leadership will serve ease their goal.

  6. 6.

    See Andreas Krieg (ed.), Divided Gulf: The anatomy of a crisis (2019).

  7. 7.

    Chaker, “La Crise Du Golfe De 2017: Un an Après” Politique Etrangère 3, (2018), p. 219; Kristian Ulrichsen, “How Qatar Weathered the Gulf Crisis,” Foreign Affairs, August 14, 2019. Retrieved from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/middle-east/2018-06-11/how-qatar-weathered-gulf-crisis.

  8. 8.

    Lister, “Inclusive Citizenship: Realizing the Potential,” Citizenship Studies 11.1 (2007), p. 49.

  9. 9.

    Babar, “The Cost of Belonging: Citizenship Construction in the State of Qatar,” The Middle East Journal 68.3 (2014), p. 120.

  10. 10.

    See Calvert W. Jones, “Bedouins into Bourgeois” in her study conducted in Ras Al Khaimah, UAE.

    Jones, Bedouins into Bourgeois (2017).

  11. 11.

    Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer, Citizenship policies for an age of migration (2002), pp. 1–3.

  12. 12.

    Bennett, Doing belonging: a sociological study of belonging in place as the outcome of social practices (2012), p. 26.

  13. 13.

    Babar, “Enduring ‘contested’ citizenship in the Gulf Cooperation Council” (2018), pp. 115–116.

  14. 14.

    Several studies can be found on the issue of state-sponsored identity, see for instance:

    Al-Janahi, National Identity Formation in Modern Qatar: New Perspective (2014).

  15. 15.

    Babar, “Enduring ‘contested’ citizenship in the Gulf Cooperation Council” (2018), p. 125.

  16. 16.

    Jessie, Oil and societal quiescence: Rethinking causal mechanisms in rentier state theory In The Politics of Rentier States in the Gulf (2019), p. 42.

  17. 17.

    See for instance, the case of Al Ghufran clan (a branch of Al-Murrah tribe) at: HRW, Qatar: Families Arbitrarily Stripped of Citizenship (2019). Retrieved from: https://www.hrw.org/news/2019/05/12/qatar-families-arbitrarily-stripped-citizenship.

  18. 18.

    Kinninmont, Citizenship in the Gulf (2013), p. 52.

  19. 19.

    Miller, Managing Regional Conflict: The Gulf Cooperation Council and the Embargo of Qatar, 10.2 (2019), p. 37.

  20. 20.

    Balandier, Sens et puissance: Les dynamique sociales (1986), pp. 13–16.

  21. 21.

    Czarniawska, Narrative in Social Science Research (2004), p. 4.

  22. 22.

    Al-bidūn, short for bidūn Jinsiyya, literally means “without nationality” in Arabic and often means “people without paper” or “paperless people.” The term refers to those claim entitlement to the Qatari nationality based on historical long settlement in the country, and of their affiliation to other state, while the state considers them as “illegal resident” cannot prove their legal residency status.

  23. 23.

    For more details on the restriction posed on civil society in Qatar, see: Nura muḥamad ālmuḥsn, maḥmud naǧyb ālmaḥmud, uʿmar hišhām ālšhihāby, ālṯābit wālmutaḥawil ālẖlyǧ bayna ālšhiqāq ālmuǧtamʿy wa tarābuṭ ālmāl wā sulṭa (2014).

  24. 24.

    GCC Crisis, Government Communication Office. Retrieved from: https://www.gco.gov.qa/en/focus/gcc-crisis/.

  25. 25.

    Babar, “Enduring ‘contested’ citizenship in the Gulf Cooperation Council” (2018), p. 116.

  26. 26.

    Van Dijk, “Editorial: Analysing discourse analysis,” Discourse & Society 8.1 (1997), pp. 5–6.

  27. 27.

    See for instance, the speeches and remarks made in 2016 and prior years. Available at the Qatari Amiri Diwan website:

    Amiri Diwan, Speeches and remarks. Retrieved from https://diwan.gov.qa/briefing-room/speeches-and-remarks.

  28. 28.

    Babar, “Enduring ‘contested’ citizenship in the Gulf Cooperation Council” (2018), p. 117.

  29. 29.

    Oruc, Hashtag Unity in the Midst of the Blockade of Qatar (2018).

  30. 30.

    Babar, “The Cost of Belonging: Citizenship Construction in the State of Qatar,” The Middle East Journal, 68.3 (2014), p. 412.

  31. 31.

    Waas, The situation of stateless persons in the Middle East and North Africa, UNHCR (2010), p. 19.

  32. 32.

    A blog dedicated to the Al-bidūn in Qatar has been created since 2010. The blog publishes article defining this group of people, their situation, and shares different viewpoints about them, See: Al-bidūn fī Qaṭar. Retrieved from https://bedoonqatar.wordpress.com/.

  33. 33.

    Mitchell, “#Blockade: Social Media and the Gulf Diplomatic Crisis,” Review of Middle East Studies 53.2 (2019), p. 200.

  34. 34.

    Northwestern University in Qatar, Media Use in the Middle East 2018. Retrieved from http://www.mideastmedia.org/survey/2018/.

  35. 35.

    Martin, “The Blockade of Qatar has made Qataris more supportive of free speech,” Washington Post, 8 April, 2019. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2019/02/11/why-are-qataris-now-more-supportive-of-free-speech/.

  36. 36.

    Molavi, “Stateless citizenship: The Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel,” Studies in Critical Social Sciences (2014), p. 4.

  37. 37.

    “Qatar: End of Abusive Exit Permits for Most Migrant Workers,” Human Rights Watch, January 20, 2020. Retrieved from https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/01/20/qatar-end-abusive-exit-permits-most-migrant-workers.

  38. 38.

    Ibid.

  39. 39.

    Mitchell, “Why did Qatar just change its residency laws?” Washington Post, February 14, 2018. Retrieved from https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/monkey-cage/wp/2017/08/09/why-did-qatar-just-change-its-residency-laws/.

  40. 40.

    Law No. 10 of 2018 on Permanent Residency. Qatar.

  41. 41.

    Shahine and Syeed, Game-Changing Qatar Law to Grant Expats Permanent Residency (August 3, 2017). Retrieved from https://www.fa-mag.com/news/game-changing-qatar-law-to-grant-expats-permanent-residency-33991.html.

  42. 42.

    Babar, “Enduring ‘contested’ citizenship in the Gulf Cooperation Council” (2018), p. 122.

  43. 43.

    Abdulkarim, “Crystallizing a Discourse of “Khalijiness”: Exclusion and Citizenship in the Arab Gulf States,” College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal (15 May 2017).

  44. 44.

    Leydet, “Citizenship,” The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2017 Edition), Zalta (ed.), Retrieved from https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2017/entries/citizenship/.

  45. 45.

    Khattab et al. “Gender and mobility: Qatar’s highly skilled female migrants in context.” Migration and Development 9.3 (2020), pp. 369–389.

  46. 46.

    Ibid.

  47. 47.

    Social and Economic Survey Research Institute, “Executive report: Qatar against the blockade” (December 2017).

  48. 48.

    Speeches and Conferences, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, July 05, 2017. Retrieved from https://mofa.gov.qa/en/speeches/speeches-of-deputy-prime-minister-and-minister-of-foreign-affairs/speeches/45-chatham-house---the-crisis-in-the-gulf-qatar-responds.

  49. 49.

    Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship (1995), pp. 176–187.

  50. 50.

    Van Dijk, “Editorial: Analysing discourse analysis.” Discourse & Society 8.1 (1997), pp. 5–6.

  51. 51.

    Shafir and Peled, Being Israeli: The dynamics of multiple citizenship (2002), p. 6.

  52. 52.

    Babar, “The Cost of Belonging: Citizenship Construction in the State of Qatar,” p. 406.

  53. 53.

    See the methodology of BTI project as described in their website, at: Methodology—BTI Project. Retrieved from https://www.bti-project.org/en/methodology.html.

  54. 54.

    More details on Qatar investment can be seen at: Hukoomi—Qatar E-Government. FIFA World Cup 2022. Retrieved from https://portal.www.gov.qa/wps/portal/topics/Tourism Sports and Recreation/fifaworldcup2022.

  55. 55.

    Ministry of Finance. 2020 Budget State of Qatar. Retrieved from https://www.mof.gov.qa/en/Documents/2020StateBudgetInfographs.pdf.

  56. 56.

    Official narrative regarding Qatar aims from organizing such event can be seen at the Supreme Committee for Delivery & Legacy (SC) website. The latter is the core entity responsible for implementation of host operations for the FIFA World Cup Qatar 2022 at: https://www.qatar2022.qa/en.

  57. 57.

    Qatar Planning and Statistics Authority, Labor Force Sample Survey 2018 (2019). Retrieved from: https://www.psa.gov.qa/en/statistics/Statistical%20Releases/Social/LaborForce/2018/statistical_analysis_labor_force_2018_En.pdf.

  58. 58.

    Alpen Capital, GCC Healthcare Industry (Rep.) (2016). Retrieved from http://www.alpencapital.com/downloads/GCC_Healthcare_Industry_Report_February_2016.pdf.

  59. 59.

    Babar, The Cost of Belonging: Citizenship Construction in the State of Qatar, The Middle East Journal 68.3 (2014), p. 414.

  60. 60.

    The Qatar citizenship law 38 for the year 2015 article 4, 5, 12, 16 states clearly a distinction between Qatari and Qatari through naturalization. For instance: article 16 states “Naturalized Qataris shall not be equated with Qatari nationals in terms of the right to work in public positions or work in general until five (5) years after the date of naturalization. Naturalized Qataris shall not be entitled to participate in elections or nominations or be appointed in any legislative body”.

  61. 61.

    “Majlis” from the Arabic verb “Jalasa” means “to sit.” Refer historically to a council in which the male tribe members discuss issues of concerns, solve problems, and make decisions. Majlis refer to whatis known in west as the guest hall, meeting room or front parlor. It is a relatively big room where guests, usually male, are received and entertained. It is mandatory for a Khaleeji (Arab Gulf) and certainly Qatari typical house to have a private Majlis, placed directly in the very entrance of the house, and decorated in a specific manner.

  62. 62.

    The ruling Emir Tamim recently approved an electoral law that allows the nationals to run and elect 30 of the council’s seats while he appoints the remaining 15 members.

  63. 63.

    Bashir and Xu, “Impact of Political Freedom, Economic Freedom and Political Stability on Economic Growth,” Journal of Economics and Sustainable Development, 5.22 (2014), pp. 59–67.

  64. 64.

    Ali and Isse, “Political Freedom and the Stability of Economic Policy,” CATO Journal 24.3 (2004), p. 252.

  65. 65.

    “Qatar suspected Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Bahrain of playing a role in a 1996 countercoup attempt.” See Hammond, Qatar’s leadership transition: Like father, like son (February 11, 2014). Retrieved from https://www.ecfr.eu/archive/page/-/ECFR95_QATAR_BRIEF_AW.pdf.

  66. 66.

    Ulrichsen, Qatar and the Arab Spring, p. 176.

  67. 67.

    See for more, Almoustafa and Abdelrazig, “Another Way: Morocco, Sudan and Somalia React to the Intra-Gulf Crisis,” Siyasat Arabiya 27 (2017).

  68. 68.

    Davidson, After the Sheikhs: The Coming Collapse of the Gulf Monarchies (2013), p. 229.

  69. 69.

    Scholarship has long been discussed the significant impact of the “external factor” on democratic transitions. For instance, Azmi Bishara and other researchers at The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies lead an important project dedicated only to this issue; see: Bishara, “Remarks on External Factors in Democratic Transition,” Siyasat Arabiya 38 (2019), pp. 7–26.

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  1. Ibn Khaldon Center for Humanities and Social Sciences, Qatar University, Doha, Qatar

    Elmehdi Lahmamed

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  1. Reconciliation Studies, Raum 15N03, Friedrich Schiller University, Jena Ctr, Jena, Thüringen, Germany

    Iyad Muhsen AlDajani

  2. Jena Center for Reconciliation Studies, Jena, Thüringen, Germany

    Martin Leiner

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Lahmamed, E. (2022). Bargaining Over What We Were All in Together: Citizenship and Belongingness in the 2017 Qatar-Gulf Crisis. In: AlDajani, I.M., Leiner, M. (eds) Reconciliation, Heritage and Social Inclusion in the Middle East and North Africa. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-08713-4_26

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