Since the 1990s, the wellbeing of teenage girls who become pregnant and give birth to a child has been an issue of international concern, resulting in an explosion of studies pertaining to adolescent pregnancy and parenthood. While this wave of research has greatly expanded our knowledge about teenage mothers and their needs, much less attention has been devoted to investigating and understanding the lives of adolescent and young adult fathers due to longstanding biases and gaps in data about this population. For example, there are widely held beliefs that teen fathers are miscreants who neither deserve nor want help with their transition to parenthood. Such stereotypes have deterred social scientists from studying young fathers and practitioners from including them in service programs for pregnant and parenting teens. Even when professionals have move beyond these biases and try to engage young fathers in their research or social service initiatives, they experience challenges identifying these boys and men and overcoming their wariness of health and social service professionals.

Precise data on the number of teenage boys and young men in their early 20s who father a child are lacking because information about the fathers of children born to adolescent mothers are often missing from official birth records. For example, the Canadian province of Québec defines precocious maternity as giving birth under the age of 20; it reported in 2016 a fertility rate as 6.7 per 1000 women aged 15 to 19 (Institut de la statistique du Québec). The rate in Canada in 2016 was 8.4 per thousand women (Statistics Canada). For 85% of the young mothers in Quebec, the paternity is recorded; the remaining 15% of these pregnancies are recorded with the designation “unknown father,” which complicates efforts to collect data on the whole group (Institut de la statistique du Quebec, Canada, 2006). Furthermore, even when the paternity is known, the age of the father is not.

Because it is difficult to determine with a high degree of accuracy how many teenage boys and young men are fathers, who they are, and where they can be found, researchers and service professionals must engage in varied forms of persistent outreach in order to identify and engage them. But those efforts can be hampered by the historical mistrust young fathers have toward health care and social services systems (Ferguson, 2015; Weed & Nicholson, 2014). Prior experiences with professionals who blame them for the pregnancy, view them as exploitive of their partners, and assume that they will abandon their partner and child make them highly suspicious of health and social service providers and researchers (Weber, 2020). Consequently, convincing young fathers to enroll in service programs and participate in research interviews is very challenging.

In this study, we report on how we overcame these challenges, accessing young fathers by establishing a relationship with their partner first, which opened the door for us to conduct an ecological study of their lives. This article begins with an overview of what we know from the extant literature about adolescent and young adult fathers, followed by our in-depth account of how we engaged them in our study and what we learned from them about their experiences as fathers via an ecological, multisystems analysis, particularly regarding their paternal commitments during the prenatal stage and through the first year of their child’s life.

Literature Review

Studies and articles concerning "young fathers" normally refer to teenagers and young men who father a child at age 25 or under and whose partner is 20 years old or younger at the birth of the child. Hadley (2018) justifies this wide age range by asserting that the experience of being a teenage father is comparable to being a father in one’s early twenties. Most often, discussion of young fathers is embedded in the context of an "at risk" population of teenagers and those in their early twenties who find themselves in difficult socio-economic conditions (Garfield et al., 2018).

Considering several characteristics of this population, concern for the wellbeing of boys and young adult men who are fathers is warranted. Compared to their non-father peers, young fathers are disproportionately underprivileged and poorly educated (Mollborn & Jacobs, 2015; Negura & Deslauriers, 2010; Pirog et al., 2018). They more frequently engage in delinquent (Tremblay et al., 2017) or violent behavior (Tremblay et al., 2017) and substance abuse (Fagot et al., 1998; Moore & Florsheim, 2001). They are more likely to experiences episodes of crisis, depression, and psychiatric illnesses (Kessler et al., 1997; Liberska et al., 2018). They have lower self-esteem (Neault et al., 2012), poorer abilities to predict the consequences of their actions, and comparatively lower self-control (Dudley & Stone, 2001). They are less likely to discuss contraception with their partner and contraception is more often left to chance. When contraception is considered, they typically consider birth control to be a responsibility of the young woman (Scott et al., 2012; Shade et al., 2013).

Young fathers are also more often raised in difficult family situations (Neault et al., 2012). They experience more abuse, witness more domestic violence (Anda et al., 2001) and suffer more often from their father's absence or a conflictual relationship with him (Allen & Doherty, 2004). Because of this family experience, they are less likely to benefit from supervision, encouragement, and material resources from their own parents (Schrag & Schmidt-Tieszen, 2014a, 2014b). Once the young men become fathers, the role of the family of origin and the support they provide can be helpful or harmful, depending on how the family reacts to the pregnancy (Saleh & Hilton, 2011; Williams et al., 2012).

The combination of their youth and previously mentioned characteristics can hinder their efforts to assume the economic, social, and psychological responsibilities needed to raise a child (Futris et al., 2012; Neale & Davies, 2016). Many young fathers lack the financial resources to afford housing to live with their partner and child (Goldberg et al., 2013). Other factors also influence the young father’s level of involvement with their child, such as the relationship with the child’s mother and her family. When these relationships are strong, young fathers tend to remain involved; conversely, when these relationships are conflictual, involvement tends to wane over time (Bellamy & Banman, 2014), especially if the parents of the young mother view the young father with disdain and discourage or prohibit him from seeing the child in their home (Bellamy & Banman, 2014; Davies et al., 1999; Goulet et al., 2001). Cohabitation, which is intertwined with the quality of these relationships, is another factor related to paternal engagement. When the couple live together, father involvement with the child is higher; however, when a separation occurs, fathers find it difficult to adapt to the situation and, more crucially, mothers often prefer to keep the father at a distance, resulting in reduced father-child involvement (Deslauriers, 2016).

Several authorities on adolescent and young adult fathers (Bronte-Tinkew et al., 2012; Devault, 2014; Devault et al., 2012; Kiselica & Kiselica, 2014a, 2014b) have cautioned that, although the previously mentioned risk factors and challenges should be recognized, focusing solely on these features contributes to a one-sided, deficit perspective of these young men. A more complex view emphasizing their strengths is needed. For example, although a minority of young fathers completely neglect their paternal duties, for the majority of others fatherhood triggers a motivation to modify one’s way of life, such as moving away from a trajectory of delinquency and toward becoming a responsible partner, father, and provider (Futris et al., 2012; Futris et al., 2012; Thompson & Walker, 2004). In addition, it is important to explore the meaning that young fathers assign to their experience and the positive changes the fathers make in response to becoming a parent, all of which can act as an important counterweight to the difficulties these young men encounter (Deslauriers, 2011; Goldberg et al., 2013; Hunt et al., 2015; Kiselica & Kiselica, 2014a; Kirven, 2014; Landers et al., 2015; Lemay et. al., 2010). For example, it is common for young fathers to display a desire to improve their lives so that they can exercise their parental role and “be there” for their child (Allen & Doherty, 2004; Shade et al., 2013; Uengwongsapat et al., 2018). For some, the lack of engagement they experienced with their own fathers motivates them to do things differently by committing more fully to their child (Tuffin et al., 2010; Wilkes et al., 2012).

Ecological Model

The above literature review makes it clear that the commitment of young fathers appears to be related to several contextual factors. Our understanding of these factors can be enhanced by applying Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) multifactorial ecological model to study how young fathers experience fatherhood within multiple contexts. Accordingly, in the present investigation, we report findings that pertained to three levels of this model in a qualitative study of the paternal experiences and commitments of adolescent and young adult fathers: the individual characteristics of the fathers (ontosystem); the people and places that the fathers interact with daily (microsystem); and the political and economic systems as well as the social and cultural institutions that influence the young fathers (exosytem). We also consider these three levels and the cultural and societal social values and norms that affect their development (macrosystem) in our discussion of the findings.

The advantage of an ecological perspective for the present study is that it captures the influence of several dimensions on the paternal involvement of young men. As other researchers have concluded, this approach avoids a common pitfall of trying to explain a phenomenon from only the limited perspective of individual traits (Corcoran et al., 2000; Tremblay et al., 2017). In addition, the ecological model provides an integrated view of the influences on paternal engagement, ranging from global factors (norms and social values) to individual factors, such as the young father’s own choices and the meaning they give to their experience, while considering different dimensions of the environment (e.g., family of origin, living environment and the labor market).

Purpose

The purpose of the research reported in this article is to provide a more global perspective of the experience of young fathers, while identifying the factors that most strongly influence paternal commitment. Key questions guiding our study were focused on understanding the father’s reactions to the pregnancy and their relationships with their partner (before and following the birth of the child), their child, and their own and their partner’s families, as well as their experiences in various ecological systems.

Interviews were conducted with 34 young men at two different time periods about their experience of fatherhood, from the announcement of the pregnancy to the first birthday of their child. The study was designed with two rounds of data collection to understand how the situation and perceptions evolved over time. The interview data were analyzed through the lens of ecological systems theory. The ecological model informs not only the analysis but also the formulation of promising intervention strategies that could meet the needs identified in this research.

Method

Recruitment of the Participants

After the research plan was approved by the University research and ethics board, young fathers were enlisted for this interview study by connecting with them through their relationship with young mothers enrolled in the Integrated Services in Perinatal and Early Childhood Program in Gatineau, Quebec. For a period of 18 months, as soon as a young, pregnant woman enrolled in the program, attempts were made to contact the father by phone after the young woman provided information about the paternity. One quarter of the young women chose not to share the young father’s identity. Thus, this procedure yielded a 75% recruitment rate of the partners of the young women in the program, resulting in outreach to 34 fathers.

Initial contact with the young fathers involved invitations to sports activities and pizza nights. These events fulfilled a dual purpose. First, they were designed to encourage the participation of the future fathers in prenatal meetings; to this end, a social worker was on hand to greet them and answer their questions or address concerns. The meetings also allowed the researchers to explain the research plan and encourage participation in the interviews. The phone calls and activities resulted in the recruitment of all 34 future young fathers who were contacted. Some did not come to the activities but did agree to participate in the interviews. Pseudonyms were chosen to ensure anonymity of all the young men who participated to this study.

Participants

Table 1 provides and an overview of the characteristics of the 34 participants at both interview times, including their average age, education, partner’s age, length of relationship with partner, cohabitation status, father’s presence during the delivery of the baby, and average income.

Table 1 Characteristics of the participants
Full size table

Regarding other data not reported in Table 1, at the announcement of the pregnancy, the participants were 15 to 24 years old, and the average age of their partners was 17 years and 8 months. Among the participants, at time 1 19 were employed (15 formally employed with 4 working under the table) six were on social assistance, four had no income or occupation, two were currently unemployed, and three were in school. By the time the babies were eight to 11 months old, 22 of the 34 were employed, six were on social assistance, one was unemployed and five had enrolled in technical school.

Despite a rise in average income from $17,000 to $19,950 over the course of this study and the fact that two of the fathers had an income above $35,000, the average salary data indicated that these young fathers were economically disadvantaged. According to Statistics Canada (2021), which is Canada’s national statistical agency, at the time of this study, for a city in Canada such as Gatineau with a population in the 100,000 to 499,999 range and was the location for this study, the official poverty line was $18,520 for a household with 1 person and $28,068 for a household of three persons.

Interviews

The 34 young men participated at two junctures in semi-directed interviews. The first was held as close as possible to the announcement of the pregnancy and the second occurred when their child was one year old. In order to facilitate a bond of trust, the interviews were conducted by the researcher who also recruited the young men. The average length of interviews was 1 h and 30 min. No exclusion criteria were established.

In order to explore the four the dimensions of the ecological model that were of interest in this study, in the interviews young fathers responded to questions about many dimensions of their life, such as their relationship with their partner before and during the pregnancy, their reaction to the announcement of the pregnancy, and their perception of the role of father. Also, they were asked to share how they saw their life until their child’s birth and during the first year of his life, what challenges they face now and will face in the future, their strength to cope with those challenges, on whom they can count for help, what were their needs, and what they wanted to give to their child. Questions were open-ended to allow participants to address what was important for them. The interviews were recorded and transcribed for a qualitative content analysis.

Data Treatment and Analysis

The responses of the participants were subjected to a content analysis (Cavanaugh, 1997). Through this approach, researchers avoid using preconceive categories, instead allowing the categories and names for categories to flow from the data (Kondracki & Wellman, 2002), and then immerse themselves in the data to allow new insights to emerge (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). Accordingly, our analysis began with “free floating reading,” which involved reading and re-reading interview transcripts to identify the emerging themes and sub-themes that influenced paternal involvement. These emerging categories and subcategories were separated by time period (pregnancy announcement versus child’s first birthday) and were coded by the senior author. The interviews yielded data about many factors that influenced the fathers’ path from the pregnancy announcement to the first year of their child. Over 200 categories of responses were identified. These were clustered into common themes that were then matched to the ontosystem, microsystem, and exosystem of Bronfenbrenner’s model. Excerpts linked to these categories were input into the software NVIVO to analyze what fathers specifically reported about each category or theme. Trends were identified within the categories, and within these trends the most representative currents were flagged. This framework also helped us to grasp gestalts of the factors and the dynamic relationships between them, and to identify which factors most impacted the young fathers involvement.

Results

Our analysis brought to light many factors that can play a role in the engagement of young fathers (Deslauriers, 2016). Our findings are focused on only the most important factors shared by most of the respondents: their reaction and adaptation to the announcement of the pregnancy, and the elements that are most decisive in their paternal engagement, in particular, the relationship with the young mother and child, both when the young parents are in a relationship and when they are separated. We also report results concerning the relationships of the young men with their own parents and those of their partner, as well as data about their socio-economic situation and their perceptions about social services. This section ends with a description of the young men’s perceptions about how they processed their parenting experience.

From the Announcement of the Pregnancy to Birth: An Emotionally Intense Period

When questioned about the announcement of the pregnancy, what is most salient from the interviews is the emotion experienced by the young men. Not surprisingly, all participants reported feeling some degree of worry when hearing the news. The announcement also sparked a variety of intense and sometimes contradictory emotions, for example, a transition from joy to anger or from confidence to fear. These emotions were not always explicitly expressed; the young men explained that sometimes their absence of affect hid shock, and anger hid fear. The stories reveal the intensity of the joy of some and the distress of others as well as the co-occurrence of both these emotions:

I didn’t know what to say, I was speechless. After a week or two, you can take it in, you get it. I didn’t know how to take it. The first day you don’t get it right away, you know, you really don’t know what to think. (...) The first day, it’s like you’re in a dream. (Maurice, 17 years old)

Regarding the decision of whether to keep the child, the men expressed outright acceptance or, sometimes, a resigned acceptance of the mother's decision. For the latter, the most commonly used expression was "not having a choice." This sense of being reconciled to having the baby often arose in interviews, as is seen in the following excerpt.

I said, ‘If you keep it, I'll take care of it like I should, it'll be my child. If you don’t keep it, I'll live with that decision, with you.’ I asked her which she’d like better. She said she preferred to keep it. I said, ‘We’ll keep it, we’ll do our best to make sure we have everything we need.’ (Benjamin, 19 years old)

Despite the initial reactions, the vast majority of the young men said they quickly adapted to the situation. This was especially true for those who were still in a relationship with the expectant mother.

The same intensity of feelings that fathers experienced at the announcement of the birth was echoed at the time of birth. The young men unanimously talked about the strength of their emotional reactions to childbirth. They all recognized that this was a defining moment in their lives.

Microsystem Factor: Relationship with the Mother When the Couple is Together

The majority of participants who were still together with the mother expressed a high level of satisfaction with the relationship. Some said that the birth of the child solidified their relationship and made the relationship more important to them.

Despite the overall expressed satisfaction with the relationship, the first few months presented relationship challenges for the young fathers. Even though many were optimistic, this new phase proved demanding because of the lack of sleep, the child’s crying, and the less frequent intimacy with their companion. As Jean, aged 19, said, “Getting up at night, it’s hard on your spirits. Things weren’t good with my girlfriend. We got angry about stupid stuff all day; it didn’t make sense anymore.”

The fathers reported conflicts over the priorities and organization of daily life, for example regarding going out, having friends around, and devoting time to the relationship. Managing a common budget was also a source of distress, as were the changes to the couple’s sex life. Disagreements regarding the child’s upbringing also contributed to tensions:

One of us wants to raise the child one way; the other wants it another way. The dad can’t let the baby cry for 10 min if the mother thinks it’s a bad idea. It just leads to arguments. (Michel, 25 years old).

Added to these sources of conflict is the question of employment. Most of the fathers in the sample had unstable jobs, and they had little control over their schedule. Some young men felt that they were being criticized, either for working too little or not enough. Furthermore, a young father who is employed has different duties from those of the mother. As Charles, aged 19, said, “She spends the day with our girl. Often when I get back from work, she wants to go out to do something. And me, I want us to stay home together, and then we end up arguing.”

Becoming a parent and but still wanting to maintain a young person’s lifestyle also creates challenges for the couple, as is clear in this quote from Jules, aged 19: “She was going out with friends like once a week and it was tiring me out. She was going out, and me, I’m trying to have a calmer life.”

In addition, for those young men who did not know their partner very well before the birth of the child, doubts arose about the mother being their life partner. Their life as a couple is on “fast forward,” as they transition from simply dating to sharing weighty responsibilities:

It's always bugging me a little, because I don’t necessarily feel that my girlfriend is meant to be ‘the one’ for me, you know? I have doubts that keep coming back. I wonder if I’m going to end up regretting it. (Jules, 19 years old)

Some felt that they got mixed messages from their partners regarding childcare:

I was going to do it [a chore], but then she was all alarmed: ‘That’s not how you do it!’ So, after that I didn’t try any more, and then she’s angry that I wasn’t doing it. If I do it, it's no good, if I don’t do it, it's no good ... What am I supposed to do? (Didier, 23 years old)

Such young men ended up feeling dismissed from the responsibilities of care because they couldn’t perform tasks as expected.

Fathers who were still in a relationship mentioned that they tried to argue less often or at least not to argue in the child’s presence, as Simon, aged 17, said: “We’ve stopped being so stubborn, stopped shouting in front of our girl, as little as possible, anyway. We relax, we calm down a little. You can’t let yourself get overwhelmed by being tired.”

These young men recognized that the child’s well-being benefitted from a good relationship with the mother.

Microsystem Factor: The Father–Child Bond When the Couple is Together

The nature of the father–child relationship varied greatly, ranging from fulfillment to frustration at the accumulation of difficulties. Nevertheless, most young fathers enjoyed the little moments of everyday life with their baby. They felt fatherly pride in watching their child smile, sleep, and look around. They checked out their babies’ physical characteristics, their facial features, and the similarities with their own looks; they monitored the babies’ growth and listened to the cooing and gurgling. As Jules, aged 19, expressed it, “She smiles, everything fascinates her. Light, colors, anything. It’s really special. It's mostly her curiosity that strikes me. She wants to know, she wants to know about everything. I find her beautiful.”

The young men were often surprised by the intensity of the feelings that united them with their child. Charles, aged 19, said, “You cannot be closer to anyone than that. I feel like I've been a father all my life; I can’t imagine myself without her, she's the one that matters.” The child's behaviors motivated these young fathers and gave them a new focus in their lives, beyond work and everyday life. Benjamin, aged 20, said, “I see my little girl and then I forget about my day. It’s so fun, she smiles so big, and that just brings me right back to earth after my day.”

Caring for the child is generally a positive experience for young men who are still in a relationship. The fathers described in detail how they gave baths, handled the baby bottle, comforted the baby, changed diapers, and put the child to sleep. They took pride in these tasks and realized that doing so strengthened the father becoming a familiar, secure base for the baby:

He recognizes you, it’s great. He’s starting to interact with me, there’s a bond that’s forming. If you hand the baby to someone else, he’ll keep crying, but when I take him, if you hold him close, he recognizes you. (Paul, 20 years old)

For some of the fathers, this bond was forged gradually; initially, they felt an emotional distance between themselves and their baby, but with time, they gradually grew closer to their child. For example, here is how one father described how he felt about his baby daughter during the early stages of his relationship with her: “I think with time, I will feel more attached. It will improve. With the months passing, I will feel closer. I will be more involved, having more time with her.”

As time passed, the bond he felt toward his daughter was much deeper, and he was clearly more comfortable in how he related to her:

At the beginning, when I came back home, I wasn’t used to think of her to go to see her. It wasn’t that important. Now, I arrive, I always have to go to see her, touch her, give a little kiss. (Jules, 18 ans)

Some of the fathers said they were surprised by the speed at which their child grew, changed, and developed. Others stated that time alone with the child helped to strengthen the paternal bond, feeling more comfortable when the mother was away because those circumstances provided greater freedom to find their own ways to deal with the baby, particular regarding how to comfort the child. During these private moments, the fathers got to know their baby better, discovered the child’s little quirks and personality, and gained confidence in their ability to respond to the baby’s needs:

He can’t speak, the poor little kid, so there’s no choice. You recognize the crying. It is obvious, he’s going to fuss when he’s tired, or cry a little when he wants to be picked up and rocked. When he’s hungry, we know he’s hungry. (Félix, 19 years old)

Microsystem Factor: Relationship with the Mother and Child When the Young Couple is Separated

In the sample, eight young men were separated from the mothers; for five of these, the breakup occurred before the birth. All of them reported being very affected by the breakup; they were concerned about the loss of their romantic partner or worried about what kind of family life awaited them. They found it difficult to sort themselves out and to refocus on their child.

These young men had either not seen their child at all, or, at best, only rarely. In all cases, being separated from the mother led to estrangement between the young father and his child. Some of the young fathers expressed fear that the mother would file claims charging them for failure to provide child support. For two of the fathers in our sample, the Directorate of Youth Protection intervened to remove the child from the parents’ custody because of problems related to drug use.

Sharing childcare was a sensitive issue for this group. Most often, the fathers visited occasionally, with the success of the visits dependent on the quality of the relationship with the mother. Other fathers, having never met the child, kept a greater distance, recognizing their responsibility in principle, but not integrating the child or its care into their lives.

In the few cases where the break-up took place during pregnancy and the mother then found a new partner, young fathers were ambivalent about getting in touch, especially if she asked him not to make contact. They were sometimes ready to cede their position, to “stay out of the way.” On the other hand, others feared losing their place as father. As Benjamin, aged 20, put it: “I'm always afraid that someone else will take my place … to hear [my daughter say]: ‘I did such fun stuff with mom’s boyfriend,’ I wouldn’t like that.”

If the young mother lives with her parents after the breakup, she controls access and the father has to visit his child at her parents’ house, which complicates the situation:

When I go there, sometimes, it's like war. They’re screaming at me, calling me names. (...) You come to see your little boy, and then she tries to get the boy to tell you certain things. What she really wants is for me to go to her place so that she can see me. (Paul, 20 years old)

These conflictual relationships became barriers to father-child contact and bonding. The fathers who encountered them reported feelings of fear, helplessness, and ambivalence.

Microsystem Factor: The Young Father’s and Young Mother’s Parents

The role that the baby’s grandparents play is important. On a material level, some grandparents house the young family or help them financially. Young fathers benefit from their own parents’ interest in the child, the parents’ desire to be with the child, and their willingness to babysit so that the new parents can have some time to themselves. In addition, the young men felt encouraged and proud when their parents recognized their newly minted paternal skills.

I’ve gained dignity, I’ve earned respect, like, in my world [at work] ... Even my parents are showing me more respect, like, they appreciate it. Even my friends, when they found out that I was going to be a father: ‘What! You?’ Some of them just couldn’t believe it, but after a while, they realized I could do it, that it wasn’t a joke, and I was really serious about it. It makes me feel good, that, like, the world is waking up [to the fact that] I'm not a rat. (Simon, 17 years old)

On the other hand, the presence of the baby’s grandparents can also create additional pressure and conflict. Several participants, like Mario, aged 18, reported feeling controlled and judged by their parents or by the mother’s parents: “There started to be a lot of pressure and it wasn’t just her, it was her mother, her parents, my parents, and there was just a lot of pressure. Well, I just flipped, I lost it a little.”

The role and type of support provided by the father’s parents varies greatly and can be quite complex. Some young men had been left on their own since their childhood; others have parents who offer support that is appreciated. Some grandparents want to help, but their help comes with a level of control and sometimes criticism. The same is true of the young man’s relationship with the parents of the child's mother; their help may come with pressures that he might not be able to handle. Both sets of grandparents may continue to treat the fathers as teenagers who don’t know how to care for a baby properly, even though the fathers and their partners may want to be recognized as adults and to be more and more on their own:

We prefer to be in our apartment together, we deal better with our own business because we don’t want to deal with each other’s mothers who will try to tell us what to do. You know, if we want advice, we will ask for it. (Samuel, 18 years old)

Microsystem Factor: Labor Market

The experiences of the young fathers in the labor market were characterizes by some financial progress but with continued distress and worry. At the beginning of the pregnancy, 19 were employed, six were on social assistance, four had no income or occupation, two were currently unemployed and three were in school. The average income of the young fathers increased (from $17,000/year to almost $20,000/year, Canadian dollars) and, overall, their employment situations improved. Some went back to school. The majority seemed to have succeeded in improving their life circumstances to a limited extent. Furthermore, their hope to maintain their life as a couple and a family under the same roof was clearly expressed and, to attain this goal, they had to improve their situation:

I'm impressed with myself sometimes, it's really true. Before, I didn’t have a job. It’s helped build my confidence, the fact that I now have a job, I go home to my own apartment, I can live with my child, I can live with my girlfriend, my family—I’ve put together a lot of the pieces of the puzzle... (Simon, 17 years)

Most did improve their capacity to afford living together. At the beginning of the pregnancy, seven respondents were living in an apartment with their partner; this number had increased to 20 by the child’s first birthday. Nevertheless, most still had an unstable working life, either holding down several jobs to make ends meet or going through periods of unemployment. They were still facing difficult challenges in their life:

I’m feeling down, it makes me feel like I don’t want to do anything. Right now, I don’t feel like going to work for someone else ... You get home, you're tired at night and then you've got your little girl. And then you hear: ‘You’re gonna leave again for work?’ It’s hard for someone who works, there’s a lot to manage. (Louis, 23 years old)

Louis’ comments illustrate a common theme expressed by the fathers: Although they felt more in control over the situation due to their increased earnings, they remained worried and stressed due to their unstable, unfulfilling, exhausting, and low-paying conditions of employment.

Microsystem Factor: Social and Health Services

During the initial portions of the interviews, in response to the question: "Do you have needs as a father to which certain services could respond?" the young men’s answers initially were very brief, typically limiting themselves to a simple "no" response. The most frequently reported reply by the participants at this early stage of the study was that their life was working okay for them; therefore, they did not mention any needs or services that might help. As Simon (aged 16) put it:

No, I find that I don’t really need help as such. I think my life is going well, you know. There are times when it’s harder for me than other times, but other than that ...

However, as the interviews continued, about one third of the participated stated that they could benefit from services and gave the an implicit yet distinctive impression that wanted varied forms of assistance. Their answers pertaining to this issue varied widely. They mentioned getting help from a social worker or psychologist to prepare for the child's arrival. They wanted guidance to handle difficulties that arose in their life as a new father. They could use legal advice on how to get access to the child after a separation. They wondered about how they could might obtain financial assistance to "go back to school."

By the second round of interviews, many of their comments were about prenatal services and meetings, indicating how they overcame early wariness about participating in service programs. Most respondents were pleasantly surprised at the help they received. However, at the beginning, some young men were afraid of being judged:

Perhaps also [I had] a fear of seeing what the world would think. But, I didn’t even know we would be with people of our age [in the meeting]. I thought we would be with people, with older adults, you know, in their thirties. You know, what are you going to say to a young guy that age? (Gilles, 21 years old).

The majority of future young fathers felt that the fact that the prenatal meetings were aimed at young people in a group where the participants shared a common experience made them feel at ease:

You know, we're all the same age, so we were a great group. We’re all in the same situation. No one has more or less than the next one. We’re all in the same boat. That's what I find fun. You feel better in there. When you come in, it's people like you. They are living the same thing as you. They brought here for the same reason you are. That helped me a lot, too. (Gilles)

Respondents also mentioned that they appreciated the smaller ‘guys only’ groups that were held at these prenatal meetings. They reported having discussed various topics, such as their reaction to the announcement of pregnancy, sexuality, their presence and their involvement during childbirth, and their other worries.

There were also negative comments about the prenatal classes, in particular that some of the meetings were too long. Others felt that the content was too often exclusively aimed at the expectant mother or that prenatal meetings were not necessary at the beginning. Nevertheless, in the interviews when the child was nearly a year old, the majority of respondents continued to say that they were satisfied and felt it was a good way to prepare for the child's arrival:

Yeah, I didn’t know anything about a child, zip, nothing. Without that info on child development, I wouldn’t have known a thing about it. I would’ve had to read the books; at least I learned from the prenatal classes that from such an age to such an age they eat that, don’t give them that, or else I would never have known. [...] I didn’t know anything about a child, nothing. [...] The prenatal classes showed me that a child is not that bad, it's fun (Yvan, aged 20)

Young fathers said that they managed to learn something and that they especially liked the use of simulations during prenatal classes. However, half of them expressed fear of being judged by the practitioners; the others did not experience this fear.

Ontosystem Factor: The Young Father’s Parenting Experience

Participants addressed many topics about becoming and being a father. An initial issue related to their potential involvement as fathers was how they dealt with the pregnancy announcement and whether they had wanted to be a father, or at least, thought about this possibility. Fourteen of them stated that they had not wanted to become a parent, but for 18 others the pregnancy may actually have been, to a certain extent, desired, despite the fact that most often it seemed to be an accident. In other words, these 18 young men did not actively act to avoid the pregnancy. The remaining two fathers actually wanted to become fathers. Thus, the fathers could be sorted into three categories regarding their feelings about a pregnancy: expressed desire, ambivalent desire, or absence of desire to be a father.Footnote 1

Excerpts from our interviews illustrate each of these categories. In the expressed desire group, consisting of two of the participants, the pregnancy was explicitly desired for the present or in the near future.

I always wanted to have a child while I was still young so that I could have a lot of energy for him when he became a teenager or even when he was young (...) It was clear that me and my girlfriend wanted children (Felix, 20 years old)

For the fathers who were like Felix regarding this matter, the desire for paternity had been present for a long time and was clearly expressed.

Statements for the 18 fathers in the ambivalent desire group were quite often contradictory. In general, they expressed shock about the news of the pregnancy, nonetheless, when questioned in-depth, they also reported having some prior intention of becoming a parent.Footnote 2 For example, some men explained that they were surprised at the announcement of the pregnancy, but when further questioned, they remembered having discussed the possibility of having a child with their partner and having willingly stopped using contraceptives. With this groups of fathers, it was difficult to differentiate between a "true accident" and a "desired accident." This question was approached by focusing on those men who did not take active steps to prevent their partner's pregnancy. Generally, ambivalent desire was noted when a young man gave some indication that he had not really tried to avoid his girlfriend's pregnancy, even though another part of him wanted to do so. Some said they had been using contraceptives more or less regularly, yet they stated the pregnancy was "planned" or "not really a surprise." Some revealed that they had not wished for their partner to become pregnant but that the pregnancy was not an accident and that, overall, they had wished for it to happen:

We had talked about it a bit beforehand. It wasn't something that was planned, but it was not something that we were unaware of, either. We wanted one but it didn't mean that we wanted one right away. We stopped taking the pill. (...). If it happens, we're in it till the end.

[Interviewer: You wanted to become a father?]

That wasn't exactly decided. No, that wasn't decided. Chance can sometimes be the best thing.

[Interviewer: How can it be that you were surprised, you knew you had stopped taking the pill?]

Because I wasn't expecting her to tell me she was pregnant. (Didier, 22 years old)

The couples had chosen to gamble with conception. They consciously avoided the use of contraceptives and allowed nature to make the decision for them. If nature chose not to impregnate the woman, couples were likely to consciously choose to repeat the cycle of unprotected sex, resulting in eventual pregnancy:

It wasn't what we had planned, but we weren't taking any precautions, no condoms and no pill. It wasn't what we had planned, it wasn't what we wanted, it was, if it happens, it happens, if it doesn't...it happened. It took many months before it happened. It's not exactly that we were trying. (Mario, 17 years old)

The 14 fathers who were in the absence of desire to be a father group showed none of the ambivalence of the prior group. Although they admitted to having been sexually active, they were quite clear that they had no prior wish to be a father. Consider, for example, this account: “No, it was not planned at all. She forgot to take the pill, and me, I don’t like condoms. And…it happened. Everything was OK, and the first thing you know, she’s pregnant again (Louis, 21 years old).

Reaction to the announcement. How the young men reacted to the news of the pregnancy is an equally complex issue. A broad range of emotions was described in the interviews, regardless of whether the pregnancy was desired. All of the fathers were concerned about the pregnancy and their stories never indicated indifference toward or disinterest in the pregnancy. They expressed the intensity of their emotions, as well as the conflicts and contradictions between the different emotions experienced simultaneously or sequentially. Their emotions fluctuated greatly, ranging from joy to anger, at one moment confident, and in the next moment, fearful about their future. Some of them were so shocked that they could not believe the news, and they needed to see the test results themselves. Others could not even express any feelings. Some asked themselves if they were actually the father. It was particularly difficult to absorb the shock when the pregnancy followed a breakup, as the young father felt alone and ashamed. For example, there was shame in wishing for an abortion, especially when his ex-partner was upset and uncertain. A few young men expressed a positive surprise because the pregnancy confirmed their fertility. The stories revealed the intensity of the joy that some men felt, as well as the distress experienced by others, especially those who had broken up with the mother: “At first I didn’t agree with this….I wasn’t furious, I wasn’t furious, then, I didn’t have a lot to say, all of that really wasn’t my decision” (Matis, 20 years old).

Confronting such a major life change, these men felt somewhat helpless, considering where they were in their lives:

I was a little shocked, I was maybe a little bit in state of panic. I wasn’t angry at her, no, not at all. It was as much my responsibility as hers. We didn’t take precautions, it wasn’t planned. I was a little bit aggresive at first, I said to myself ‘No, I’m not ready, I’m going to lose my freedom. In any case, it’s a big commitment. (Jules, 18 years old)

Decision to continue the pregnancy. The announcement of the pregnancy brings another issue: to abort or bring the pregnancy to term. The stories revealed the intensity of the joy that some men felt and who were quick to agree to continue the pregnancy, as well as the distress experienced by others.

Most of the young men felt somewhat helpless to confront such a major life change, considering where they were in their lives. Jules, an 18-year-old father, reacted in this way:

I was a little shocked, I was maybe a little bit in state of panic. I wasn’t angry at her, no, not at all. It was as much my responsibility as hers. We didn’t take precautions, it wasn’t planned. I was a little bit aggressive at first, I said to myself ‘No, I’m not ready, I’m going to lose my freedom. In any case, it’s a big commitment.

In spite of the above common reaction, it was clear from the fathers’ accounts that the mothers most often made the decision to carry the baby to term. Surprisingly, despite that this decision was not taken by them, the young men adapted quickly to this new perspective. For example, “At first, I didn’t agree with this….I wasn’t furious, I wasn’t furious, then, I didn’t have a lot to say, all of that really wasn’t my decision” (Matis, 20 ans).

Even among those for whom the pregnancy was described as accidental, once the decision was made, they approached impending fatherhood positively: “That’s her choice, I don’t bother too much. I am ready to take my responsibilities” (Patrick, 16 ans). Similarly, Benjamin, a 19-year-old stated:

I said, ‘If you keep it, I'll take care of it like I should, it'll be my child. If you don’t keep it, I'll live with that decision, with you.’ I asked her which she’d like better. She said she preferred to keep it. I said, ‘We’ll keep it, we’ll do our best to make sure we have everything we need.’

From the onset of the pregnancy, many concerns were experienced by young men, in particular preparing for the child with regards to material concerns. At this early stage, material preparation seemed to be the first and main way for future young fathers to initiate the process of paternal involvement. Their concerns in this area allowed them to gradually take on the new role that awaited them. They projected themselves into the future, reflected on the needs of the child and the organization of family life and discussed it with their partner. In particular, they expressed a wish to live under the same roof as the mother and their unborn child (7 at T1 and 20 at T2).

The young men mentioned that hearing their child’s heartbeat during a medical examination or seeing the baby in an ultrasound image was a major turning point. For the most part, during pregnancy, young men perceived their future role as father with an optimism that they were able to maintain. The experience of assisting to the birth is also a turning point for them. All the young fathers (32) who attended the delivery expressed the intensity of the emotion they felt: “When I saw my daughter for the first time, I started to cry, in tears. I started sobbing. I was not able to stop” (Jules, 18 ans).

Some of them cut the umbilical cord, other experimented with the « skin to skin» method with their child:

They asked me to remove my shirt and to hold my little girl against my chest. It is so, you are shocked. It’s when it cliqued. She was dirty, but you don’t care. You love her, you want to keep her warm. She was crying when they gave her to me. She stopped right away. I was so surprised. It is the most wonderful experience of my life. It is unconditional love. (Charles, 19 years old)

They also showed motivation to improve their way of life in a broad sense, such as building a harmonious relationship with their partner, having a better work schedule, and diminishing alcohol and drugs use. However, more awareness of what awaited them sometimes increased their stress levels. Young men who had separated with their partner expressed greater concerns than others about their future parenting role.

Young fathers who do not live with the mother must make greater efforts to see their child, especially if they are no longer in contact with her. As their child approaches their first birthday, the young fathers who are in a relationship with their child's mother at this stage express great satisfaction with their role. They are still making or consolidating some changes in their lifestyle and financial choices, but overall, they report living with more stability than when their child was two months old. They are very interested in the development of their child, particularly because the potential for interaction is greater with the child's developing motor and language skills. Caring for their child, in which they report being quite involved, is an important part of their activities as fathers. The reported difficulties are limited to small worries that sometimes affect the sleep of their child and theirs, as well as the lack of time to participate in family life.

Once the decision is made to bring the pregnancy to term, all the participants started taking steps toward fatherhood even though some of them were very worried. The approach of childbirth and the child entering their lives imposed new demands and responsibilities. Nevertheless, in essence, their motivation and the meaning they assigned to fatherhood remained essentially steady.

With the passage of time, the fathers generally evaluated themselves as possessing the skills needed for their new parenting role. Despite the many challenges they identified, all of them felt that they were not only fulfilling their responsibilities, they also had new experiences defined by moments of joy and affection and the realization that they were part of a new family of their own.:

I like to awake in the morning, before to go to school, and see him sleeping. At this moment, I give a kiss to both of them [son and the mother], I feel a father and I go to work. I go to school. (Jean, 19 years old)

Now, my family is my girlfriend and my kid, my family is under my roof, the ones feed I work for. (Robert, 19-year-old)

They also were proud of themselves and had of a sense of accomplishment related to becoming a better man for their child: “It is very new. Everybody talks to you in a different way when you’re a father. Everybody sees you in other way. I have now the father’s status” (Jules, 20 years old).

Also, the responsibility to become a role model for someone was often reported, as was being better and the importance of this bound are crucial to fulfil it. Overall, the fathers’ reports indicated that, despite the stressful challenges that arose during the first year, their perception about their life and their role as a father were positive.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to complete an ecological examination of factors that influence paternal commitment among teenage and young adult fathers. We interviewed 34 young fathers at two points during their journey to fatherhood, first when they learned about the pregnancy and again when their child was one year old. Our analysis of the content of these interviews revealed several factors related to the onto-, micro- and exosystems that play a role in the degree to which young fathers engage their children. We also considered implications of our findings pertaining to these three levels and to the macrosystem.

Consistent with earlier findings (see Fagan, 2008; Goldberg et al., 2013; Mniszak et al., 2019; Mollborn & Jacobs, 2015; Shirani, 2015), the fathers in this study reported that the relationship with the mother was a crucial factor in their engagement with their child and their ability to manage the stress associated with the transition to parenthood. Our interviews with these young men confirmed that demands are high on the young parents in both their role as parents and their life as a couple. An additional source of stress and anxiety is being so suddenly tied to their partner for the rest of their lives (Bunting & McAuley, 2004). As Coley and Hernandez (2006) had reported, we found that being in a stable relationship at the time of becoming a father seemed to attenuate, to a certain extent, the anxiety created by the accelerated transition to the roles of adult and parent. Like other researchers (Landers et al., 2015; Mitchell et al., 2018), we found that participants also found that co-habitation facilitated paternal involvement. Also consistent with prior research (see Allen & Doherty, 2004; Fagan, 2013; Jaffe et al., 2001), our participants reported that a positive relationship with the mother’s family of origin was an important factor in facilitating ongoing father-child contact and bonding.

Conversely, as other researchers have found (e.g., Gavin et al., 2002), being separated from the mother and a strained relationship with her family were important determinants in paternal disengagement for our participants. The results from this study also highlighted the specific challenges associated with a breakup. The most important of these was the level of conflict following a breakup, which strongly influenced a father's estrangement from his child (for similar prior findings, see Kruk, 2011; Shirani, 2015). The more elevated the parental conflict after separation, the less contact our fathers had with their child.

The results indicate that the parents of the young father and the young mother can be a source of help. However, they can also be a source of conflict, even of intrusion, in the life of the young parents, who crave help but also wish to be autonomous. The parents of the young mother can also contribute to paternal disengagement when they do not allow the young man into their home; separation tensions between the young mother and father can prompt the maternal grandparents to deny him from having access to his child and add to the young man’s distress (Dallas & Chen, 1998; Davies et al., 2004; Lehr & MacMillan, 2001). The child’s grandparents, finding themselves parents of teenagers who will become parents themselves, may be ambivalent about their role and responsibilities in helping their child deal with precocious parenthood. This event involves a sudden disruption in the family system in which the actual and conventional roles can be at odds (Kiselica, 2008). Young people who become parents are normally expected to become autonomous and organized. They are meant to leave their own parents to establish a union with the mother or father of their child and to focus on identifying and meeting the needs of their child. The parents of these young people suddenly become grandparents, who still feel a responsibility to intervene in the life of their child (Kiselica, 2008; Lavigueur et al., 2005). The grandparents’ compulsion to intervene may be especially strong when they sense that the young father vacillates between, on the one hand, wanting to live up to the societal expectation to step up and accept their paternal responsibilities, and on the other hand, aching to experience the freedom and independence of adolescence, which is a common conflict for young fathers (Weber, 2020). Under such circumstances, the former family system is thrown off balance; new roles must be negotiated and integrated. Sometimes this adjustment is extremely challenging, punctuated by conflicts that are difficult to resolve (Kiselica, 1999). Given the complexity of this context, the new role can be difficult for the young father to sort out, depending on his personal skills and the support given him by his parents and those of the mother. In short, at the systemic family level, many conflicting demands and forces arise when teenagers have a baby.

One surprising aspect of the interviews is the optimism that young fathers express about their situation and their initial denial of a need for professional services because prior research has shown that adolescent fathers worry about their future and need practical help with the transition to parenthood (Achatz & MacAllum, 1994; Hendricks, 1988). The positive perspective of the young men in this study belies conditions that would objectively be considered as unfavorable. For example, the young fathers feel that they played only a minor role in decisions about the pregnancy, they are poor, they are young, and most have dropped out of secondary school.

The persistence of these young men in spite of their extremely challenging financial circumstances is a surprising yet admirable and inspirational indicator of their resiliency. As was reported earlier, the average annual salary of the fathers ranged from $17,000 at the start of our study to nearly $20,000 by the study’s conclusion. At the time of this study, the official poverty line was $18,520 for a household with 1 person and $28,068 for a household of three persons. Sarlo (2018) has forcefully argued that this is not a reasonable line for poverty because, “It bears no connection to the understanding of poverty that most people have…which relates to the lack of basic necessities, and bears no connection to the way journalists and politicians routinely describe people in poverty (hunger, material deprivation, suffering (p. 1).” Sarlo suggested that a family would have to earn about $60,000 to avoid the true conditions of poverty. Based on what we learned from the young fathers who participated in this study, we concur with Sarlo.

It is interesting and surprising to note that the respondents did not specifically cite their age as an obstacle to assuming their paternal role because findings from other studies indicated some adolescent and young adult fathers do consider themselves to be too young to take on the role of parent (see Shirani, 2015). The fathers in the current study did, however, mention that they were sometimes affected by the judgment of others and by the conditions inherent to their stage of life: few financial resources, little work experience, and dependence on parents–in short, the relatively meagre social capital at their disposal, which is consistent with prior research findings (Cabrera et al., 2008; Neale & Davies, 2015; Pirog et al., 2018). Indeed, although their income had increased significantly between the time of the announcement of the pregnancy and their child’s first birthday, their average income remained below the poverty line, especially when they became parents. Also, even though they do not mention limitations related to their youth, their comments reflect the weighty influence of external factors, including the fact that they are more dependent on parents, with whom they must sometimes live, and whose support can vary greatly. It is essential to consider the full range of the external factors that influence the individual decisions and behaviors of these young men (Duncan, 2007). The life choices available to them and to the young mothers are often more limited than for more advantaged young people (Bamishigbin et al., 2019; Pirog et al., 2018).

How do these men manage so quickly to adapt to the announcement of the pregnancy and even rejoice in the news despite their socio-economic position? We explored this remarkable adaptation during the interviews. At the end of the journey, we pointed out a crucial factor: the meaning these young men attach to their situation. "Being there," "becoming better," "responsible," and "having goals" are important themes from the interviews, themes that echo the conclusions of many other researchers, which, viewed as an ensemble, have now painted a clear portrait of young fathers’ involvement (Allen & Doherty, 2004; Labarre, 2014; Neale & Davies, 2016; Ouellet et al., 2006; Parikh, 2013; Uengwongsapat et al., 2018). Indeed, between the perinatal period and their child’s first birthday, young fathers consistently acknowledge the important role of the child in shaping the direction of their life (Wilkes et al., 2012).

Based on prior research findings, we hypothesize that the meaning our participants assigned to their situation might have served as a psychological buffer against the stressors and anxieties that could otherwise trigger an abdication of their responsibilities. As noted by others (Shirani, 2015; Weber, 2020), becoming a father can also inspire a young man to reflect on what it means to be a good dad and prompt him to embrace his new-found responsibilities. As our participants reported to us, becoming a father inspired many of them to return to the workplace or increase their working hours, resulting in a higher income that enhanced their capacity to be financial provider for his child and partner. In spite of their difficult financial and educational circumstances, these young fathers made efforts to become responsible for their child, which is consistent with prior documentation about the efforts of adolescent and young adult fathers to “take care of business” (Hernandez, 2002; Tarrant & Hughes, 2019).

It is important to remember that the individual does not passively submit to the influence of micro-, exo- and macrosystems, but is in a dyadic relationship with them so that some find vital internal, resources, such as a meaning that allows them to face the obstacles external to them. As Tudge et al. (2009) and Rosa and Tudge (2013) stressed about the ecological framework, the person plays a significant role in his or her own development despite the context; it is important to recognize the role and action of the individual.

An ecological perspective sheds light on all factors that may influence, to varying degrees, young men as parents (Mniszak et al., 2019). Practitioners or policy makers may feel at a loss to decide on which of those many factors represent the most realistic and efficient opportunities for intervention. We offer some guidance on that matter.

First, it is vital to develop intervention strategies that can enhance the integration of these young men into social services (Goldberg et al., 2013; Reeves et al., 2009). Supporting a young father (the ontosystem vs the microsystem of health and social services) involves establishing a relationship of trust, which can be strengthened by generating intervention strategies that consider his wider, external context. The results from this present study and the research literature clearly demonstrate that a key to effective support is attending to the young man’s perceptions and the meaning he attaches to his situation. Even if his views appear naive or inadequate, they nonetheless can function as levers to intervention that can forge and enrich a therapeutic alliance (Reeves, 2006; Scourfield, 2006). It is tempting as a practitioner to want to focus first on the problem but starting from the point of view of the young father, especially regarding his practical needs, such as finding a job, may be more promising (Hendricks, 1988). Moving beyond the "accident" of pregnancy to discuss his life plan, for example, is a more productive approach. What is needed is a shift from a fixation on the limitations and deficits in his life to an understanding of his world view and the meaning he makes of his situation. The results of this study demonstrate that his view of fatherhood is linked to his degree of paternal commitment. Focusing on this meaning and his strengths, such as the ways he demonstrates positive notions of masculinity, is another constructive approach to forming a positive, therapeutic connection with the young father (Englar-Carlson & Kiselica, 2013; Kiselica & Englar-Carlson, 2010; Kiselica et al., 2008, 2016). These strategies allow practitioners to set intervention objectives that evolve from his world view, and thus, are more likely to contribute to a bond of trust and effective intervention plans (Deslauriers & Devault, 2012; Kiselica, 2008).

This perspective, by situating the young man in his social context, is concordant with the essence of effective outreach and a multisystems approach to therapy. We must consider him as a partner in a dialogue where we discuss and listen, even in the context of a court-mandated intervention prompted by criminal proceedings or child welfare investigations of a father who has been identified as posing a risk for the wellbeing of the child (Kiselica & Kiselica, 2014a). Recognizing the background of these young men, their marginalization, the abuse they may have experienced, and the poverty in which they live, enables social workers to better meet their needs (Ferguson, 2015; McGinnis et al., 2018). Our findings suggest that we must be cognizant of these external factors and how he views and responds to them. Does he search for meaning that helps him to cope with difficult challenges? Are his mind and spirit filled with hope or with fear? Considering these issues can be central considerations for intervention.

Our findings underscore the importance of looking beyond a young father’s initial comments about his need for help and guiding him toward a range of services that will support him. The participants in this study gave us an early impression that they did not need services to help them with their transition to fatherhood. However, as we persisted in our interviews, a more complicated picture emerged with one-third of the participants; early responses of not needing help were gradually contradicted by the expressed desire for assistance with preparing for the child’s arrival and with relationship, legal, financial, educational, and employment issues. Other research has indicated that the need for services actually increases over time as young fathers deal with the realities of life, and that practitioners must act as case managers and service brokers who help young fathers to understand and access health and social service networks (see Kiselica, 2009).

Because our findings illuminate the importance of understanding the perspectives of young fathers and helping them to access key services, we recommend that social workers and other professionals learn about and practice effective outreach and rapport-building strategies with adolescent and young adult fathers. There is consensus that young fathers feel ill-at-ease with having initial encounters in formal office settings or with intake interviews in which they are expected to engage in face-to-face conversations about highly emotional topics. Instead, it is preferable to have informal meetings with young fathers on their own turf, that is, in their microsystems: at home, on playing fields or basketball courts, or in other places they regularly frequent. Simply taking walks together or tossing a ball back and forth while talking are effective ways to engage with these young men because of their preference for action-oriented relationships (Kiselica, 1999, 2001, 2003, 2006, 2008; Kiselica & Englar-Carlson, 2008; Turcotte et al., 2018). Such activities provide an opportunity for them to seek help while avoiding "weakness" (Mniszak et al., 2019). They can receive help while being seen as having power, on equal footing with other stakeholders. In this way, they can take advantage of services offered without damage to their feelings of autonomy and competence. Non-intrusive support, which only gradually becomes more personal, seems to work with vulnerable fathers, beginning with a response to a young father’s specific and immediate pressing needs, waiting for an opportunity to address the more personal aspects of his life, and carefully avoiding jumping in too early or too eagerly to his more private concerns (Hendricks, 1988; Kiselica, 2008). The judicious use of humor in discussions of his difficulties can also be helpful (Kiselica, 1999, 2001, 2003, 2006, 2008; Kiselica & Englar-Carlson, 2008; Mniszak et al., 2019).

Group counseling and parenting skills training is an effective, peer-to-peer modality for sharing information, stimulating reflections on the role of father, and creating social support among young adult fathers (social network microsystem; Ballard & Greenberg, 1995; Mniszak et al., 2019). Another benefit of group work is that participants who have already mastered the challenges associated with the transition to parenthood can act as role models for those who are newly experiencing this transition or other difficulties (Kiselica, 1996; Kiselica et al., 1994). Mixing support group meetings with recreational activities is a formula that seems to enhance the appeal of such groups with young fathers (Kiselica, 2008).

Since our findings indicate that the microsystem relationship with the young mother is decisive in the engagement of young men during the prenatal term and in the first year of the child's life, this time period presents an important window of opportunity for intervention with young fathers and their partners (Florsheim & Moore, 2020; Florsheim & the Young Parenthood Program Team, 2014; Hadley, 2018). During this period, it should be possible to establish a systematic working relationship with young fathers, as is already standard practice for young mothers, who benefit from close intervention during pregnancy and after the arrival of the child (Ministry of Health and Social Services of Quebec, 2016). Fagan (2008), who, in his work on promising practices with young fathers, concluded that, regardless of the situation of the father—that is, whether he "resident" or "non-resident," separated from the mother or not—interventions that promote co-parenting and attend to the relational microsystem between the young mother and father have the greatest impact on paternal engagement and commitment. Furthermore, “integrating coparenting support into prenatal care for pregnant adolescents could help young fathers provide a more stable and secure environment for their children” (Florsheim et al., 2012, p. 1891). Based on the testimony of the fathers who participated in the current study, prenatal healthcare visits involving the father, especially when it is possible to hear the heartbeat of the fetus and to see the ultrasound of the beating, fetus’ heart has the potential to foster the youth’s connection with his unborn child and his desire to be an engaged, supportive partner and father. Therefore, we recommend attempting to meet the father when working with young mothers.

If we do not want the mother to be solely responsible for the well-being of the child, it is imperative to incorporate fathers in the intervention protocols in pregnancy. One example would be that practitioners include fathers in the evaluation process during enrollment in young parent programs (Florsheim & The Young Parenthood Program Team, 2014). These young men could be required to attend the first meeting, as is advocated by some specialized practitioners (Deslauriers & Boivin, 2011). If some young fathers are deemed "irresponsible" or pose significant risks to the well-being of the child, it is equally important to meet with them to evaluate the situation (Brown et al., 2009). It can also be useful to take advantage of these opportunities to assess the father's motivations for his role by taking time to understand his point of view on his life and role as a father (Devault, 2014; Gervais et al., 2016).

The younger the new parents, the greater the need to support them in their new roles and to include their close relatives—the family microsystem–in intervention modalities (Kershaw et al., 2014). In particular, as Devault and her colleagues point out (2012), the mothers of young fathers make excellent allies in intervention strategies. An understanding of the family system enriches our understanding of the situation of the young father in the extended family constellation; it is therefore worthwhile to make efforts to contact the families and integrate them into the intervention (Fagan, 2008).

By drawing inspiration from practices that promote the improvement of living conditions (work microsystem, school microsystem), a young father can be encouraged to project himself socially as an adult and as a father (Goldberg et al., 2013). Provision of job-related services, such as information on career options, sessions on job preparation and the development of “soft” and “hard” skills, and assistance with job placement, is a good example (Florsheim & Moore, 2020; Kiselica, 2008). This approach takes into account male patterns of socialization through work; it focuses on actions that can be taken to face the situation, and as aligned with the results of this study, involves tapping the motivation of young fathers to improve their socioeconomic situation by taking on the role of provider. Furthermore, for some, these types of services can motivate young men to abandon a delinquent lifestyle (Tremblay et al., 2017).

The findings are also resonant with other programs for fathers, including vulnerable fathers—programs which have developed creative means and multiple intervention strategies to reach young fathers by meeting their needs from different angles. Home visiting services are an example of an effective program that is based on a global perspective of the needs of young fathers and that is grounded in the logic that we must meet young fathers in contexts which hold meaning for them (McGinnis et al., 2018). Devault and Gaudet undertook a review of programs for fathers in 2008; they found that there are three main categories of fathers' programs based on the ecosystem model. These programs focused on interventions for fathers and their families or on interventions for fathers in their immediate environment. There were also projects that focused on changing attitudes in the wider population. Ideally, programs should target multiple objectives simultaneously. This plurality of intervention modalities reflects the great diversity of needs of fathers and the importance for services to develop a variety of practices.

Limitations and Implications for Future Research

Although the number of participants was relatively high for a qualitative study, we are cautious in limiting generalizations from our sample to other, particular populations of young fathers. For example, some of the young women admitted to the prenatal program requested that the fathers of their babies not be contacted; thus, it is not known in what ways that subgroup of fathers differed from the ones interviewed for this study. Furthermore, all of the fathers who participated in this study were from Quebec, Canada. An international study featuring fathers from many different countries would expand the generalizations that could be made about young fathers. However, in the absence of such a cross-national study, it is interesting to note that data on teenage and young adult fathers from another province of Canada (British Columbia; Benoit & Magnus, 2017) and other countries, including Malaysia (Saim et al., 2014), South Africa (Clark et al., 2015; Koketso, 2020; Matlakala et al., 2018; Nitini & Sewpaul, 2017), Thailand (Sriyasak et al., 2015; Uengwongsapat et al., 2018), the United Kingdom (Clayton, 2015; Shirani, 2015), and the United States of America (Hernandez, 2002; Romo et al., 2004), yielded findings and themes that were similar to ours and confirmed that there are common experiences of adolescent fatherhood that cut across national boundaries. Those experiences include a desire to be engaged with one’s child, the crucial role of family support in the father’s adjustment, and finding meaning in the fatherhood experience.

Another limitation is that our study concluded when the child was one year old. Consequently, no conclusions can be drawn about the long-term involvement of the current young fathers in the subsequent years. However, prior research has indicated that the percentage of young fathers who maintain substantive contact with their partners and children tends to decline over time (Dorius, 2018), especially among younger, economically disadvantaged, and unmarried teen fathers (Florsheim & Moore, 2020). This pattern of disengagement is related to a number of factors, including insecure housing (Berrington et al., 2005), transportation problems and financial hardships (Pirog et al., 2018; Romo et al., 2004), an inability to resolve frustrating custody and visitation issues with the young mother and her family (Davies et al., 2004), a lack of understanding that engaged fatherhood involves a lifelong commitment (Weber, 2020), and troubles with the criminal justice system and incarceration (Barr et al., 2014). These prior findings suggest that at least some boys and men who initially respond to pending fatherhood in a positive way are likely to withdraw from their children and partners over time due to these difficulties. They also indicate that there is a dire need to help young fathers to address these hardships during the postnatal period in a way that fosters their generative fatherhood (Kiselica, 2008), which refers to how a father responds in a loving manner to his child’s developmental needs over time (Dollahite & Hawkins, 1998).

The fathers who agreed to participate in our study consisted of a group of young men who were making a valiant attempt to be caring fathers. We know little about other types of men who become fathers during their teenage years and early 20s but have little or no contact with their children. This latter population of men is very difficult to reach, track, and study. A handful of prior studies has provided evidence indicating that as least some of these disengaged fathers tend to have antisocial tendencies and substance use disorders and that their own fathers were dysfunctional parents and poor role models of generative fatherhood (Hernandez, 2002; Kost, 1997; Romo et al., 2004; Thornberry et al., 2000). We also know from prior research that a boy has increased odds of impregnating someone or becoming a father during his teenage years if he engages in antisocial behavior and substance abuse, feels unconnected to his family, is raised by a single parent, his mother had her first birth at an early age, one of his parents is depressed, his family lacks social support, his parents do a poor job of monitoring his whereabouts, or his family has gone through numerous transitions, such as movement in or out of the home by a mother, father, or his or her romantic partner (Pears et al., 2005; Thornberry et al., 1997, 2000). Practitioners in the field have noted that the odds of disengagement from paternal responsibilities becomes greater as the number of these factors increase (Achatz & MacAllum, 1994; Brown, 1990; Florsheim & Moore, 2020; Kost, 1997; Romo et al., 2004; Weinman et al., 2007). Therefore, it is recommended that service programs identify boys (including those who have yet to father a child and those who already have) who have such difficult circumstances in their lives and provide those young men with services to address their many concerns and challenges.

Conclusion

Despite the many factors that influence paternal engagement among young men, research often focuses on narrow aspects of the subject, such as a delinquent lifestyle, substance abuse, or violence of young fathers, thereby emphasizing the deficits in the situation. This focus does little to help young fathers to be good parents. A more global, positively-oriented view—which includes balancing attention to these troubling issues with a consideration of the fathers’ strengths—to guide research and practice is rare but is much needed.

A broader, strength-based perspective can generate intervention modalities that consider the wide range of factors that can favor or hinder a father’s engagement with his child. It is necessary to go beyond the deficit perspective that results from an exclusively ontosystemic reading of the situation. Indeed, as has been seen in other recent research, the present results indicate that once the period of the announcement of the pregnancy has passed, many young fathers adapt to the situation. Their trajectory between the time of this news and the first birthday of their child indicates that they are concerned about the well-being of their child and are willing to make positive changes in their lives. The relationships with the child’s mother, their own parents, and the mother’s parents, as well as their socio-economic situation are major factors in their paternal involvement.

In light of these results, which indicate the importance of multiple influences at many levels, we must shift our own values and beliefs about young parents and their families, and rethink our philosophy of intervention, the consideration we give to a systemic family perspective, and the specific services we offer to young parents (Kiselica & Kiselica, 2014b).

The work on promising practices with young fathers confirms the need for the simultaneous inclusion of ontosystemic, microsystemic, exosystemic, and macrosystemic views of the situation in order to develop a wide-ranging vision of the needs of this population. Professional education in the mental health and social services professions and practitioners themselves can promote this holistic paradigm, which recognizes the complexity of the situation of young fathers, in order to generate fruitful avenues for analysis and intervention. Family interventions, especially with the young mother and the young father, are especially promising. In addition, support for young fathers in the form of individual and group work can contribute to their engagement. Finally, community initiatives for young parents, including young fathers, must be promoted to address living conditions.