It has been well argued that the experience and expression of anger is often reflective of maladaptive emotions, cognitions and modes of behavior (Cole, Zahn-Waxler, Fox, Usher, & Welsh, 1996; Kerr & Schneider, 2007; Starner & Peters, 2004). The Mental Health Foundation (2013) contends that anger is an emotional state of arousal often resulting from social conditions encompassing threats or frustration. Understanding the emotional experience of anger among children remains a paramount concern in literature given that higher levels of anger and aggressive tendencies have been linked to behavioral-conduct problems (Cole et al., 1996; Patrick & Rich, 2004) and physical health concerns (Starner & Peters, 2004) in today’s youth. Furthermore, these psychological and physical problems have often been shown to persist well into adulthood (Kerr & Schneider, 2007). It is imperative that parental figures, social workers, counsellors and educators of today’s youth learn to read and appreciate children’s emotional signs in an effort to better help children identify and regulate their own behaviors (Maschi & Bradley, 2008; Moore, 1992).

But how is anger actually experienced, interpreted and understood by children? While there is no shortage of research exploring various answers and interpretations of this question (Calafati, 2013; Fabes & Eisenberg, 1992; Kerr & Schneider, 2007; Snyder, Stoolmiller, Wilson, & Yamamoto, 2003), there is a considerable dearth of literature investigating the experience of anger from the child’s own perspective. Several studies have acknowledged the limited vocabulary of children in explaining their own emotions (Cassey, 1993; Parker et al., 2001); albeit initially sustained, reservations have been put to rest via children’s ability to inform content in their own manner—that is, through the use of stories, arts and play (Tsai, 2000). Thus, while children may not be able to explain abstract concepts such as what constitutes an emotion, they may still be able to draw a picture, act out a scene, or relate a story in which an individual experiences a particular emotion, for example anger.

With the aforementioned justification (for the inclusion of children in the research process) in mind, it becomes pedagogically and clinically necessary for an in-depth investigation to take place focused on the experience of anger among children as described through their own language. Research of this nature will provide a deeper awareness and appreciation of the subject matter; this approach may either augment or contest the existing literature that stems from adult perceptions and interpretations of children’s emotions. Additionally, a deeper understanding of children’s emotional competence will help to illustrate a consideration for children’s own viewpoints and facilitate encouragement and support during the experience of negative emotions such as anger and frustration (Moore, 1992). The present study intends to explore and analyze the means and methods by which the emotion of anger is understood, interpreted and experienced among children, as described by the children themselves.

Precipitating Causes of Anger

Anger is an emotional condition that is often socially instigated through the perception of threatening, frustrating or stressful circumstances and environments (Averill, 1982; Blair, 2012; Fabes & Eisenberg, 1992). Research from a cognitive-neuroscience perspective indicates that anger is the ultimate expression of reactive aggression (i.e. reacting to threats, frustration, stress; Blair, 2012). Past traumatic or disruptive experiences (e.g., parent passing away, moving to a new school) may increase the responsiveness of the basic cognitive threat system that regulates reactive aggression—primarily the amygdala, hypothalamus and periaqueductal gray. The increased responsiveness of the basic threat system is strongly correlated with elevated incidences of anger and reactive aggression (Blair, 2012).

Peer Interactions

Rejection and isolation can indeed be considered a threatening, frustrating or stressful circumstance, especially for young children. Teacher indices of child peer rejection suggest that socially rejected children have higher levels of anger attribution bias than non-rejected children (Schultz, Izard, & Ackerman, 2000). Additional research suggests that when children feel ignored or unworthy of attention and recognition, feelings of disappointment and insignificance often manifest themselves as anger (Calafati, 2013; Tsai, 2000). Further more, it has been noted that delinquent peer exposure and interaction tend to increase the incidence rate of experienced anger and violent offences (Maschi & Bradley, 2008); this suggests that children may engage in more negatively-based behaviors as a means of feeling included with—and in some instances superior to—their peers (Espelage, Bosworth & Simon, 2001).

Parental Influences

Parental and familial environments are reflected through children’s emotions—including anger—as parents, siblings and other family members often act both as objects of attachment and role models for younger children (Kerr & Schneider, 2007). Attachment research stemming from Kidd & Sheffield (2005) indicate that children with secure an attachment to a parental figure(s) tend to have fewer somatic, social dysfunction and depressive symptoms compared to those children with insecure attachment styles. Augmenting the importance of attachment, research from Hamama and Arazi (2012) indicate that family cohesion has been negatively correlated with acts of aggression including anger and hostility, physical violence and verbal violence. Negative familial relationships such as family breakups, separation and divorce have been shown to perpetrate the emotions of disappointment, depression and frustration, all of which commonly present as externalized anger and aggression (Calafati, 2013; Espelage et al., 2001; Tsai, 2000).

In addition to acting as a secure (or insecure) base of attachment, parents also serve as social role models for their children. In their classic observational learning study, Bandura, Ross and Ross (1963) compared aggression levels in children exposed to aggressive models to the aggression levels of children in a control condition. The specific type of aggression displayed by the model influenced the form of aggression demonstrated by the children in the study (Bandura et al., 1963). Thus strong, positive, and emotionally regulated models are needed to instill emotionally sound and competent modes of social interaction (Kerr & Schneider, 2007).

Emotional Recognition and Regulation

The display of anger often includes aggressive facial expressions and noises (i.e. crying, screaming, pouting), hostile verbal phrases (i.e. name-calling), physical gestures (i.e. stamping feet) and aggressive movements (i.e. hitting, kicking; Kerr & Schneider, 2007; Rivers, Brackett, Katulak, & Salovey, 2007; Tsai, 2000). Historically, methods of encouraging anger expression recognition and regulation have been based on a stress inoculation process to monitor angry outbursts and identify the precipitating events and thoughts leading to it (Novaco, 1977). Intervention strategies suggest that children and adolescents should be taught to recognize the psychological and physiological warning signs that immediately precede the experience of anger (Wilde, 2001).

Emotional regulation and coping efficiently with anger often invoke calming techniques or “cool down” strategies to help reduce the impact the experience of anger has on an individual and his/her cognitive, physical and social wellbeing (Lochman & Wells, 2004; Rivers et al., 2007). Indeed, several studies (e.g., Kerr & Schneider, 2007; Rivers et al., 2007; Von Salisch & Volegesang, 2005) lend evidenced support to the notion that instilling emotional recognition and regulation abilities in young children and adolescents helps to facilitate the development of appropriate social adjustment techniques and social interactions.

Therapeutic Approaches

Therapeutic treatment approaches have been proposed and discussed in the literature as a means to help mitigate and regulate the experience and expression of anger (Dallosa, 2004; Dallos & Vetere, 2014; Effron, 2004; Mashci & Bradley, 2008). Effron (2004) reports that the use of Emotionally Focused Family Therapy (EFFT) in therapeutic settings helps family members appreciate, understand and interpret a particular child’s angry and/or aggressive behaviors through a new lens—that is, by understanding the expression of anger as a coping tool rather than an attack on the family. Effron (2004) notes that EFFT promotes the open discussion of emotions, and suggests that over time, children (and also adults) will become less apprehensive of discussing underlying feelings that may be contributive to the child’s display of anger. In turn, the child’s underlying emotions become more easily recognized, understood and validated by parents.

In a similar approach to therapeutic interventions with children using maladaptive modes of anger expression, Dallosa and Vetere (2014) posit the slight restructuring of narrative therapy by including a focal tenant on attachment (specifically between parent and child). They infer that certain anger-related or aggressive behaviors displayed by a child may be indicative of his or her need to gain an attachment response from a parent(s). Attachment-narrative interventions emphasize the importance of naming and understanding various underlying emotions, and processing appropriate responses including emotional validation. A parent’s validation of a child’s underlying emotions has the potential to calm and soothe the child by engaging in the child’s attachment-based desire to be heard and recognized. Of course, variations in Attachment Narrative Therapy (ANT) are contextually based on a child’s attachment style: a family displaying patterns of avoidant attachment (e.g., parents dismissive of child’s need for affection) may benefit from a therapeutic intervention focusing on the recognition and expression of feelings; whereas a family displaying patterns of ambivalent attachment (e.g., inconsistent parenting) may benefit from treatment geared more towards the generation of coherent and less contradictory narratives (Dallosa, 2004).

Consequences of (Unregulated) Experienced and Expressed

Psychosocial Consequences

The need for children to effectively regulate their emotions and cope with anger in socially acceptable manners has social, psychological and physical benefits (Larson, 2000; Lochman & Wells, 2004; Starner & Peters, 2004). The literature contends that emotional attribution biases emerge early in a child’s social schema, and influence his/her social adjustment (Schultz et al., 2000). Relationship problems, problems in the workplace, legal altercations and property damage have all been associated with the unregulated, externalized expression of anger (Deffenbacher et al., 1996; Eisenberg et al., 2005). Not surprisingly, externalized anger amongst children often elicit negative social consequences and can provoke relational instability between a child and his/her peers (Brendgen, Vitaro, Turgeon, & Poulin, 2002) and his/her parents (Tsai, 2000). A 2003 study examining child behaviors at school found that the outward expression of anger was predictive of externalizing problem behaviors both at school as well as in the home (Cole et al., 2003; Rydell, Berlin, & Bohlin, 2003). Conversely, children with better anger regulation strategies were shown to have lower levels of externalizing problematic behavior (Rydell et al., 2003).

Anger in School

Studies indicate that angry children who express their emotion via aggressive behaviors are more likely to have academic and learning difficulties in school, are at a higher risk of being held back a grade, and have an increased risk of premature school-drop out (Risi, Gerhardstein, & Kristner, 2003; Stiffler, 2008). In addition, those children who feel rejected due to academic difficulties may further exhibit angry or aggressive behaviors due to feelings of inadequacy, which may contribute to the cyclical nature of experienced anger, conduct problems and academic difficulties (Patrick & Rich, 2004; Stiffler, 2008). Furthermore, behavioral conduct problems in the classroom perpetrated by children with socio-emotional regulation difficulties tend to detract from the overall classroom environment and often require an intervention by a teacher; this concomitantly reduces the available time for instruction to the rest of the class (Mason, 1996; Raver & Knitze, 2002).

Bullying as a Consequence of Anger

Research has consistently illustrated a strong link between the experience of anger and aggression, and the perpetration of bullying (Calafati, 2013; Powell et al., 2003; Espelage et al., 2001). Calafati (2013) suggests that a child may engage in bullying behaviors (i.e., teasing, name calling, physical aggression) at school or amongst peers due to harbored anger stemming from the home environment; in such cases, bullying is both the release and expression of anger as well as an attempt by the child to regain some portion of control over his/her environment and consequently bolster his/her own self-esteem (Patrick & Rich, 2004). Teacher and principal reports of bullying perpetrated by children in school environments suggest that such behaviors may actually be learned through parental modeling (Calafati, 2013). Indeed, teachers noted that students often reflected a wide range of negative behaviors—aggression, lack of tolerance, lack of patience, lack of forgiveness—exhibited by their parents. Certainly, this reinforces the need for strong and emotionally regulated models for children in the home, so children themselves are able to internalize and reflect positive and socially appropriate interpersonal interactions amongst their own peers (Kerr & Schneider, 2007).

Somatic Consequences

In addition to the negative psychosocial and academic consequences commonly associated with unregulated anger expression, the experience and expression of anger has also been routinely linked with an increase in somatic complaints and other negative physical health concerns. A physiological analysis of anger expression among adolescents found that there were significant positive relationships between anger expression and blood pressure levels, and significant inverse relationships between anger control and blood pressure levels; interestingly, this finding was only noted in the female participants of the analysis (Starner & Peters, 2004). In a related study, Piko, Keresztes, and Pluhar, (2006) found that externalized expressions of anger were consistent with poorer self-perceived health among girls, and included increased tobacco and alcohol use and also decreased diet control. Augmenting the notion of anger’s influence over personal health, research from Fox (2009) indicates that anger—in combination with the emotion of sadness—has been found to be a predictor of eating disorders such as anorexia nervosa. Furthermore, physical aggression—which has been commonly linked with the expression of anger—has been found to act as a predictor of increased substance use and other negative health related behaviors, in boys in particular (Piko et al., 2006); thus it is important to interpret any gender-related differences in anger experience and subsequently related behaviors with caution.

Anger Suppression

In many instances, children often do not verbally or visually convey all of their angry affect, in many cases due to fear of damaging their reputation and possible relations with others (Tsai, 2000). As a result, the anger may become internalized and directed at the self, which may present with additional emotional-behavioral concerns such as increased frequency and degree of conduct problems and maladaptive social adjustment (Cole et al., 2003; Schultz et al., 2000). Additionally, the suppression of anger has been routinely linked to an increase in physiological problems such as higher levels of blood pressure, glucose and cortisol, which often manifest in an increased risk of cardiovascular problems (Nichols, 2008; Starner & Peters, 2004). Thus, there is indeed a high need to effectively regulate the experience and expression of anger, least it manifest into externalized or repressed psychological, social or physical health concerns.

Rationale for the Present Study

All children feel angry sometimes and while prevention techniques and anger management strategies target the immediate cognitive and expressive patterns of anger (e.g., Denham et al., 2002; Lochman & Wells; 2004, Salvador, 2002), there has been substantially less focus on the underlying emotional causes of anger. While the literature informs us of adult (i.e. researcher, parent, and teacher) experiences and interpretations of child anger (Brendgen et al., 2002; Fabes & Eisenberg, 1992, Kerr & Schneider, 2007; Risi et al., 2003; Stiffler, 2008; Tsai, 2000) it remains relatively unknown if adult interpretations are consistent with children’s own descriptive experiences and expressions of anger. The present study explores—through their own language—the emotional experience of anger amongst children whom have taken part in a series of anger expression management seminars, termed collectively as the Anger Blanket program. The guiding philosophy behind the program infers that anger can be seen as a cover or “blanket” that hides one’s true feelings and emotions; the goal of the program is to remove the blanket (metaphorically), in order to discern and discuss the underlying emotional constructs. While changes in children’s understanding of anger and their recognition and regulation abilities were not tracked as a function of program delivery, the present study (focused on children whom have undergone the Anger Blanket Program), is intended to be compared to a control study (of children whom have not undergone the program) conducted by Hamel in 2013 (analysis and results still pending).

Methodology

Recruitment

The present study is based on pre-collected, secondary, data, of which consent from participants was previously obtained; for this type of study, additional formal consent is not required. The following is a brief description of how data in the present study was collected.

University researchers obtained institutional ethical approval (from Western University) and approached a school board in a central Canadian province to implement the Anger Blanket program. Following institutional ethical approval and approval by the school board, the principal of an elementary school was approached to discuss the possibility of having the school participate in the study. Following the principal’s approval, two grade three elementary teachers were approached and invited to have their classes participate in the study, with one class being designated as a control condition and the other class as an intervention condition; the present study is conducted on students in the intervention condition (please see Hamel, 2013 for a qualitative analysis of children’s experiences and understandings of anger in the control condition).

Written consent was obtained from parents/legal guardians of each child wishing to participate in the study. This included a letter of information explaining details about the program as well as what participation would entail. Only children with written consent from their legal guardians were allowed to participate in the study. Because this study was based on pre-collected data, explicit demographic information regarding each individual participant was not available. However, as a whole, children in the intervention condition were between the ages of 8 and 9 years; the class was also of mixed gender.

Instruments

A semi-structured interview was conducted following each Anger Blanket session in the form of focus groups; in total, there were 10 focus group sessions. Third grade children typically live moment to moment; the use of focus groups was expected to reflect the most recent events that occurred (Robinson, 2008) through open—albeit structured—dialogue with the researchers and amongst the participants.

Each focus group session lasted approximately 20 minutes, and was audio-recorded. The same children were interviewed each week to create a sense of comfort and familiarity between the children and the researchers in the hope of attaining more honest and accurate disclosures (Hamel, 2013). In addition, a script was rehearsed by the interviewer to promote consistency between each interview session.

The following questions were asked of the participants: (1) What did you learn about dealing with anger this week? (2) What are some good/positive things that happened between you and your classmates this week? (3) What are some not so good/negative things that happened between you and your classmates this week? In addition, follow up questions were used to attain further information about participant disclosures. Each interview session concluded with a final question asking participants if there is anything else they would like to reveal about their experiences.

Content Analysis

A third party researcher conducted each focus group interview and recorded the audio content. The primary author of this study then transcribed the audio recordings and completed a qualitative content analysis procedure outlined by Creswell (2009). The following steps were taken by the primary author to analyze the written transcriptions of the audio content: (1) transcripts were read to get a general sense of content and basic meaning; (2) important phrases/words were noted as meaning units; (3) each meaning unit was assigned a code word; (4) code words were combined into overarching themes (5) code words and themes were reviewed for consistency of interpretation and combined into larger groupings based on similarities and differences; (6) the results obtained from the content analysis procedure were compared to the existing literature.

Trustworthiness

The purpose of qualitative research is to increase the depth of understanding of a specific phenomenon. The present study seeks to provide a more thorough analysis of child experiences of anger through the use of open-ended questions presented in semi-structured interviews. Creswell and Miller (2000) explain that constructs of reliability, validity and generalizability of qualitative research do not carry the same weight or meaning as they do in quantitative research; they extend only as far as to suggest whether or not the findings are accurate from the perspective of the researcher, participant or potential observers of a phenomenon. Indeed, biases are inherently imbedded in qualitative research processes (Maxwell, 1996), and discrepancies in data analysis often exist. As such, the use of direct, prolonged quotations were used to augment the confidence and authenticity of the results obtained in the present study. In addition, by having 10 different sessions of focus groups, it was less likely that the simple presence of the researcher created potential distortions of the data. No software was used in the analysis of the present data.

Results

The content analysis procedure led to five descriptive themes concerning a child’s experience of anger. The themes included: understanding anger, origins of anger, consequences of anger, regulation and resolution of anger and relationships with others.

Understanding Anger

The notion that anger could be a interpreted as cover or “blanket” that hides or masks ones’ true feelings was a concept that resonated with many students; in many cases, children were able to discern the symbolic gesture of the blanket itself.

It covers you… but that’s not actually what covers you, it’s when you’re mad and angry, it’s like what your brain’s thinking…it’s not actually an invisible anger blanket, it’s actually what your brain is thinking

Anger isn’t like a real feeling, it just like sometimes when you’re sad, the anger blanket comes over and it just makes you mad, so anger is like not a real feeling

Umm the anger blanket is just like a way for adults to explain it to kids like [Name] said, earlier like it’s just like… your brain isn’t actually choosing to be mad the anger blanket is just a way for adults to explain it better to kids

Children also noted various warning signs and physiological symptoms associated with anger.

Sometimes when you get mad your face starts to get red and there is body-warning signs, like umm…clenched teeth, frog in your throat, uhh… tense muscles, heavy breathing

I learned about anger that your face gets mad

It’s hard to smile when your angry

Tense muscles, clenched teeth

In addition to these symptoms, they also noted a rise in body temperature.

There is body warning signs…when you get really hot…

When you’re angry, your temperature kind of goes up

Many children also described feeling a lack of control when angry as well.

It just takes over your body, it it’s like it’s controlling your body and you cant really control it yourself

Children also recognized the conflicting emotional nature of anger with other feelings.

Umm, you can’t be angry and be acting like a happy monkey

Anger is, isn’t a happy feeling

Children were well aware of the impact anger can have on one’s actions. They expressed both physical and verbal manifestations of anger expression.

Sometimes when you’re mad you start hitting somebody

Umm it’s when you…want to hit someone really bad and you’re so angry that you want to hit someone

Um a guy was screaming

Others described physical manifestations of anger from a third-party perspective.

Well I saw someone kicking someone

Some people are fighting today

Bullying and teasing were also noted as expressions of anger.

Someone in my class got bullied

You’re a bully and that your acting bad

Umm, someone teased someone

Specific examples of teasing included calling names and making faces at others.

People make faces

Calling names

When asked about recent situations that sparked experiences of anger, children were able to delineate underlying emotional constructs.

I wasn’t really angry, I was just kind of upset

Not very happy, not very happy…a bit disappointed

Like…uhhhhh…shocked

Differences in behavior were also noted in relation to changes in related feelings of anger.

Umm, when your angry it’s not a very nice feeling and if you’re not feeling like you want to be

nice, you won’t be nice…and if you’re feeling determined, you’ll act determined…and if you’re

feeling angry you’ll act angry

The theme of Understanding Anger encompassed the student’s own interpretation and understanding of experienced and expressed anger; physiological warning signs, modes of expression, consequences of expression and general emotional knowledge were also noted in this first theme.

Origins of Anger

Origins of Anger referred to children’s understandings of how anger actually transpires and the situations that provoke it. This theme included the various sources children identified as instigating the experience of anger as well as discerning whether or not certain situations warrant the experience and expression of anger. Precursors to the experience of anger included physical as well as both verbal and non-verbal situations.

Umm… me and my friend, we got into a little fight like, we, we were playing soccer and were… Were getting over control and we were fights

We usually sometimes argue like in soccer when you get, usually when you usually get a goal or not, or you might get too aggressive

Verbal provocations included name-calling and disagreements.

Like people were like thinking that they score, scored a goal and they were saying I scored a goal and they goalie was saying no, and then we got into a big fight

And, umm I just got mad at them cause they called them a girl, and he was a boy

Other non-verbal provocations included negative, emotionally laden experiences such as frustration, isolation and sadness.

Really angry, but then I realized I was feeling sad cause he was being mean to me

I learned that about anger when you are mad you can’t talk or you cant deal with the problem or talk it out …then you get more angry

Umm… when sometimes when you get angry you act like its a big mountain, but its actually just a little mole…The mountain is like a, you make it like a big problem even though it’s just a small one

Also noted was a misinterpretation of intentions.

He wants to be funny and make (Name) laugh

Discerning a rationale for anger was a common sub-construct of the Origins of Anger theme. Children had contradictory views of whether anger was or was not appropriate.

Uh, umm…not good to be mad, but if it’s something you should be mad about, …it’s okay to be mad

It’s never good to be angry unless it’s a really bad situation…or you shouldn’t be angry

The theme Origins of Anger described children’s acknowledgement and understanding of the types of circumstances that may provoke the experience of anger. Anger was seen as a reaction to physical altercations during sporting events, verbal disputes and miscommunication as well as instances of intentional exclusion. While these scenarios were easily identified as provoking the experience of anger, no real consistency was evident regarding the appropriate use of anger.

Consequences of Anger

The Consequences of Anger theme referred to the experience of anger and immediate impact it has on cognitive, social, emotional and physical wellbeing. In addition, children also described how other individual’s anger negatively affected them personally. In particular, many children noted the impairing quality anger has on their intellect—in particular the ability to make wise decisions.

I learned that when you, I learned that when you like when you, are angry, that, I think it’s your intelligence level goes down and you sometimes make, and you often make dumb choices

Sometimes, when you’re, when I learned that when you’re angry, you make poor choices, not the ones that you usually make

In addition, common responses to extreme anger included constructs of violence and physical altercations.

Oh yeah, it was anger can lead to danger and it can lead violence

Children were very descriptive in delineating examples of how the anger of others negatively impacted their own emotional and physical wellbeing. Emotional transgressions included feelings of sadness and feeling left out.

Somebody was excluding me …it mad me feel sad

When I was just asking if I could play, and then they let me play, and then they excluded me when I was playing and I did not like it

They don’t want us to play and they don’t include

Also included were descriptions of incidents in which the participants were the victims of name-calling and bullying.

Someone was bullying me and I didn’t like it, and they were saying I couldn’t kick it far but I actually could kick it far and they were making fun of me and I didn’t really like that

When I was walking by someone came up can called me poop…ahhh… I was really really upset

Physical manifestations of anger included being kicked, pushed or tripped. The taking/unauthorized use of physical objects/property was included as another manifestation of anger.

I got kicked

I got tripped

Someone liked at recess, he pushed me at the first day of February that was yesterday and he pushed me and he hurt my back

And they just came back from like these girls were at the front and they were like pulling it and we were behind it and then the people at the front fell and then everyone else fell down and me and [Name] were at that bottom of the pile and our legs were like this…and then everyone landed on me

See the red chair again over there? Well someone kept bugging…well I won’t say names but I was using the chair, and after snack the person rushed and kind just took the red chair when I was using it and they actually weren’t using it they just wanted to make me upset

The theme Consequences of Anger described the after-effects of experiencing anger. Children noted that anger could decrease self-control and lead to poor decision-making, potentially leading to acts of violence and name-calling. Children also explained the impact of anger from a victim’s perspective and described how another’s anger can impinge on their emotional, social and physical wellbeing.

Regulation and Resolution of Anger

Regulation and Resolution of Anger referred to what could be done to control and/or prevent the escalation of angry outbursts and how to make amends following an angry confrontation. Participants were very eager to share their own approaches to de-escalating anger-provoking situations and self-regulating the expression of their own anger.

If you put the anger blanket away, you have self control…Self control is, like you can control yourself and not get all wild

We could try to play uhh…. with good self control

Regulation strategies included calming techniques such as counting or deep breathing exercises.

Children explained that it was often difficult or impossible to count while they were angry, as the focus of counting detracted from the experience and expression of anger.

I learned about anger that its impossible to count when you’re angry

You have to count to 10 when you’re angry, and you go oooonnnneeee, twoooo, you have to count slow…to calm yourself down if you’re really angry

Umm…I just left…I have something, when you’re angry, you, you like count to 10, when you’re mad or angry, you can’t like count, like when you’re angry you can’t count, you cant like count at the same time….like when you’re angry…I don’t know how to explain it

Additional de-escalation techniques included getting away from the situation provoking the experience of anger. Children noted that they could take a break from their current activity or engagements and/or seek the companionship of another friend.

You go an take a drink or walk away from something…you have a break…you have a nap at home

You can get away from the problem and go with somebody else,

umm there was bad, yeah… the one that got pushed he had to calm down, and he ran in the hallways just to calm down

Resolving anger-related conflicts included talk-based strategies such as requesting an individual to politely stop an aggressive or aversive behavior.

We just say, to her you’re being a little aggressive, can you please you not use hands on

I actually said, can you please stop and then he yelled but he said, and then I said can you please stop punching at Jamal? And be quieter… and he was quieter after that

If direct confrontation failed, children suggested seeking third party help from a teacher. They indicated a teacher or adult might be better able to resolve an anger-provoking dispute.

Maybe just ask him to stop and if he doesn’t tell a teacher

The teacher… because they can umm… can talk to him

The theme Regulation and Resolution Techniques included the types of strategies children used to control and combat the onset of an angry experience in their own anger-provoking situations. While counting and deep breathing were commonly cited as controlling techniques, more direct methods of confrontation such as verbally addressing the situation/individual or seeking the assistance of an adult were also included.

Relations with Others

Relations with Others referred to how children perceived and experienced the various social interactions they encountered on a day-to day-basis. An absence of anger-related conflicts was explicitly noted. Qualities of good friendship were also described; positive qualities included being nice, cooperating, including others and enjoying each other’s company.

Well a bunch of people were playing soccer with me and we were having fun and sometimes I play with my friend and they make me feel really good

Umm well they’re really nice to me and they talk nice to me and they include me

Umm… my best friend and I we were jumping and we were jumping on and off of the climbers and we were having fun and it was funny cause this little kid wanted to do it and she couldn’t do it so we said you can be a judge so me and you can do it and I went to the last bar and jumped off and it wasn’t even far but I could go away

Sharing and helping others were also characterized as qualities of good friendship.

Someone let me borrow their pencil

Umm…Today, this morning I helped one of my friends with their work

Like, we were like hanging out together and like sharing

In addition to positive characteristics of a good friend such as general enjoyment of each other’s company and mutual engagement in fun activities, children noted an absence of “put downs” (i.e. teasing and/or bullying) as an essential feature of good friendship.

Umm… me and my friend like [Name] and [Name] we were playing, we were skipping together, and playing this fan game, thing and I don’t know we were having fun and laughing and no putdowns

Me… my friend, my friend, and I were playing hockey most soccer, and we were having fun, laughing and no put downs

My friends and I both, well both of my friends were playing soccer, they were seeing who’s a better player, well not really, I was the judge and if it went beside a the post I would say if it was a goal or not, and we were having fun laughing, no putdowns

The theme Relations with Others described children’s understanding of what constituted a good friend. Characteristics and qualities subsuming cooperation, complements and inclusion were common themes identified in such relationships. Also evident was the absence of anger provoking behaviors such as bullying or teasing.

Discussion

The purpose of this study was to explore and identify key themes related to a child’s experience of anger. A content analysis procedure was performed on transcripts from semi-structured focus groups with third grade children. Five resulting themes included: Understanding Anger, Origins of Anger, Consequences of Anger, Regulation and Resolution of Anger and finally Relations with Others.

Anger is often described as an emotional state of arousal often due to threatening or frustrating social conditions (Mental Health Foundation, 2013). Higher levels of aggressive tendencies among children have been correlated with an increase in conduct problems (Cole et al., 1996) as well as physical health concerns (Starner & Peters, 2004) that often persist into adulthood (Kerr & Schneider, 2007). Examining the construct of anger from a child’s perspective—that is, through his/her own experiences detailed via his/her own vernacular—is an invaluable tool for addressing potential negative effects of experienced and expressed anger among children. The following section compares and contrasts the findings in the present study with those of the reviewed literature.

Similarities Between Present Study and the Literature

Consistent with the literature, children in the present study described several sources of anger. In addition, the display and expression of anger reported by participants was routinely echoed throughout research based on adult observations and interpretations. Children in the present study were able, as noted in the literature (Campos et al., 1989; Levine, 1995; Parker et al., 2001) to discern and appreciate underlying causes of anger-related behaviors including the role of primary emotions and intentions. The discussion of regulation and calming techniques by children in the present study was also consistent with existing research on child abilities to mitigate anger-based behaviors (Lochman & Wells, 2004; Salvador, 2002; Wilde, 2001. Finally, it is noteworthy that the influence of anger on social relationships presented in the literature (Cole et al., 2003; Rydell et al., 2003) was indirectly related to how children experienced social interactions in the present study.

Roots of Anger

Research from Levine (1995) and Campos et al. (1989) suggested that anger often originates from aversive social conditions. Children in the present study noted several instances in which they found themselves becoming angry due to deleterious social interactions such as experiencing a peer’s intentional provocations—for example, taking desired objects, a peer’s loss of behavioral control during sporting events and witnessing aggressive tendencies of a classmate. Additionally aversive conditions were noted to have arisen amongst children in the present study due to miscommunication and misinterpretation of intentions. Indeed, results of the present study lend support to the claim that anger may transpire among children during social transgressions and infractions such as a breach of trust or skewed interpretations of verbal statements (Levine, 1995; Tsai, 2000).

The concept of self-worth was also noted in the literature on children’s anger (Calafati, 2013; Tsai, 2000). Results of the present study augment the notion that anger amongst children was often precipitated by damages incurred to their self-esteem. In particular, feelings of isolation and rejection (i.e. being left out) were described by children in the present study as emotional triggers to the experience and expression of anger.

Emotional Underpinnings

Children in the present study displayed an increase in emotional knowledge. This increase was consistent with research presented by Widen and Russell (2008), who suggested that children’s lexicon of emotions developed alongside cognitive maturation. Indeed, a message of the Anger Blanket program is to increase depth and scope of children’s emotional vocabulary (and understanding) by suggesting that anger was often a secondary emotion predicated on the experience of a primary emotion such as disappointment, loss or frustration. Consistent with previous research (Tsai, 2000), children in the present study explained that they could feel angry after experiencing emotions of disappointment, sadness, confusion, loneliness and shock. In addition, children in the present study began to recognize these emotions as instigating feelings of anger.

Consequences of Experienced Anger

Previous literature on children’s experience of anger suggests there were two focal modalities by which anger was experienced and expressed: “Anger Out” or externalized anger and “Anger In” or suppressed anger (Kerr & Schneider, 2007; Harburg et al., 1979; Rivers et al., 2007; Tsai, 2000; Von Salisch & Vogelgesang, 2005). Prior research indicates that individuals experiencing higher levels of arousal due to anger and frustration endorsed a less restrictive display of anger, including temper tantrums and both defiant and antisocial behaviors (Denham et al., 2000; Kerr & Schneider, 2007). Children in the present study noted that one could easily loose control over rational thoughts, behaviors and language when influenced by anger and aggression.

Externalized Anger

Previous research suggests that aggressive behaviors, verbal threats and acts of bullying are among the primary methods of anger externalization. (Calafati, 2013; Espelage et al., 2001; Kerr & Schneider, 2007; Rivers et al., 2007; Tsai, 2000). Children in the present study discussed physical and often violent manifestations of anger such as fighting, punching and kicking as well as making rude or obscene faces or gestures as non-verbal expressions of anger. Verbal expressions of anger included name-calling, put-downs and a rise in the volume of one’s voice (i.e. shouting or screaming).

Suppressed Anger

Previous research notes that suppressed anger often results in an internalization of negative feelings that are presented via maladaptive patterns of social adjustment and interpersonal interactions, often reflective of bullying-based behaviors (Cole et al., 2003; Espelage et al., 2001; Schultz et al., 2000). These findings were consistent with the findings of the present study given that children noted either experiencing or witnessing instances of teasing, bullying and even theft. Additionally, the suppression of anger was linked to increased physiological problems in both the reviewed literature (Nichols, 2008; Starner & Peters, 2004) as well as the findings of the present study, such as increased heart rate, profuse sweating, and a rise in body temperature.

Recognizing Anger Expression

There is evidence in the literature that a major focus of regulating anger expression stem from principles and practices established by anger management programs (i.e. Lochman & Wells, 2004; Salvador, 2002) focusing on monitoring angry outbursts and identify precipitating events, cognitions and physiological feelings that may trigger an outburst (Novaco, 1977; Wilde, 2001). Children in the present study were able to identify many warning signs (e.g. clenched teeth, tight fists, and a rise in body temperature) that could signal oncoming feelings of anger and aggression. Also identified were more metaphoric descriptions of warning signs such as feeling smothered by anger or feeling like “an earthquake is happening inside you”.

Coping Techniques

Findings of coping techniques noted in both the present study and the reviewed literature included talking about emotions with a close friend, cognitively dismissing the event, leaving or avoiding the situation, engaging in alternative play activities and waiting for the provoking individual to apologize (Kerr & Schneider, 2007; Landreth, 2002; Rivers et al., 2007). Children in the present study also noted that an apology by a provoking individual could help resolve anger-related transgressions. If unable to resolve the issue themselves, several children in the present study recommended telling an adult such as a parent or a teacher.

Relations with Others

Present in the literature was the notion that many children believe others will respond negatively to their expressed anger; furthermore, this expression will adversely impact their social relationships with friends and peers (Underwood, 1997). The findings from the present study support the notion that anger negatively influences social relationships, as many children described feelings of exclusion when amongst their peers both in the classroom, and also during free play.

Findings in the present study also indicated that strong social relationships were built on mutual enjoyment of each other’s company, mutual enjoyment of activities and a strict absence of characteristics associated with bullying and/or teasing (i.e. “no put downs. It was apparent in the literature that children try to maintain positive relations with their peers, and actively seek out resolution strategies during anger-related disputes (Rivers et al., 2007).

Differences Between Present Study and the Literature

There were differences between the results of present study and the literature. These differences may be attributed to a dearth of available research stemming from the perspectives of children.

Modeling

While the notion of adult or parental modeling and emotional regulation has been well documented in the literature (Bandura et al., 1963; Cole et al., 2003), there was no mention of where anger-related behaviors were originally learned from the children in the present study. Albeit initially sustained, children in the present study noted that they could become aggressive if another peer was behaving aggressively towards them. It could be interpreted that children are able to model and influence the behavior of their classmates and peers.

Seeking Help

Interestingly, the literature is very sparse concerning resolving anger-related conflicts via third party help such as from a parent or teacher, save for specific intervention techniques used to combat routine experiences of anger and aggression in children (i.e., EFFT, ANT; Dallosa & Vetere, 2014; Effron, 2004). In particular, this is an area of research that may be lacking due to shortage of conducted child-perspective studies focused on emotional expression and experiences. Children in the present study voiced the notion that they could seek the assistance or help of a teacher or another adult if they could not resolve an anger-related dispute themselves or if the behavior of one or more individuals was getting out of control.

Is Anger Justified?

Also absent in the literature is the discernment of whether or not the use and expression of anger was ever warranted. Children in the present study noted that it was okay to be angry or mad if it was “a very bad situation”, or if the situation was one in which you should be angry. While these descriptions and circumstances remained vague, they did suggest that there were instances in which children believed the expression of anger was justified.

The Anger Blanket Program

The present study examined how children experience and understand the emotion of anger through children’s own language. While the present findings were not recorded as a function of number of sessions or perceived strength of program delivery, the results may nonetheless (and hopefully) elicit a change in the emotional and cognitive development amongst children. However, caution must be prescribed in generalizing the present findings of children in this study to other child populations—particularly children whom have never participated in a form of emotional regulation training such as the Anger Blanket program.

Conclusion

It is important to note that the emotion of anger in and of itself is not bad. Each of us experiences anger and it is important that children learn ways of effectively (and socially appropriately) regulating its experience and expression. The “Anger Blanket” program has sought to instill social values and emotional recognition abilities in children to prevent aggressive outbursts and increase the depth, scope and appreciation of the role of emotions in everyday life.

The objective of the present research was to understand—through the language of children—the cognitive, socio-behavioral and emotional constructs associated with the experience and expression of anger; this was accomplished through both an academic—and therefore somewhat sophisticated and complex—perspective, and also a more practical perspective that reflects the nature of these experiences through a more basic and “child-friendly” language. Children in the present study are indeed deserving of explicit recognition, not only for participating in the research process, but also for informing the actual research content on which the study was based. The cognitive, socio-behavioral and emotional foundations of a child’s exploration necessarily require the guidance and expertise of their mentors; the present study took a considerably large step towards a more child-informed and child-focused approach of validating and disseminating information regarding children’s own emotional experiences.

Implications

The results of the present study have implications for professionals working with children in a helping capacity such as teachers, social workers and counsellors, as well as future research endeavors.

Research examining anger and the various side effects of its expression—both external and internal in nature—suggest a wide milieu of associated negative cognitive, social, physiological and emotional consequences. The development of appropriate and adaptive coping strategies used to combat these negative consequences presented via anger expression regulation programs such as the Anger Blanket provide children with a foundational understanding of how anger originates and the myriad of influencing emotions that may fuel its onset. It is imperative that teachers, social workers, counsellors and other child-health professionals are able to deconstruct, explain and discuss the experience of anger with children in a language that is both relatable and interpretable (with children’s own developmental levels). Previous research notes that failing to instill adaptive mechanisms to regulate and mitigate the negative effects of experienced and expressed anger among children can have detrimental consequences not only in terms of immediate experiences—with the development of antisocial behaviors, emotional problems and academic difficulties to name a few (Calafati, 2013; Cole et al., 2003; Rydell et al., 2003; Stiffler, 2008)—but also in how they may carry those characteristics into adulthood (Deffenbacher et al., 1996; Eisenberg et al., 2005). Thus, the need for today’s children to establish a strong emotional vocabulary—endowed with regulation and adaptive coping abilities—is of crucial importance, least aggressive and maladaptive experiences and expressions of anger become commonplace occurrences that follow children into their adult lives.

Children in the present study acknowledged the importance of social relationships amongst their peers. While mutual enjoyment of each other’s company and talking through one’s emotional experiences with a close friend were noted in the present study, children also were aware that feelings of being left out or rejected by their peers could potentially be anger-provoking. Helping professionals—in particular those whom engage in therapeutic interventions with children and families such as social workers and counsellors—may be able to benefit anger-prone children by assisting them in relating underlying emotional constructs to the onset and warning signs consistent with the experience of anger. Such understanding can provide strong emotional support as well as the provision of psychoeducational emotional teachings and techniques (in a relatable language) that children (and their families) can utilize at their own discretion during future confrontations and the experience of negative emotions such as anger.

From a research perspective, the present study provides a strong foundation for further exploration into the developing emotional, social and cognitive abilities of children. Observational studies examining child interactions may lend further evidence to the results obtained in this research. In addition, longitudinal investigations conducted on the emotional development of children may illuminate how anger expression changes with age and maturity. In addition, this type of investigation (i.e. examining the emotional maturation of children), could be compared with the cognitive and social development of children; this may help to illuminate the means by which anger is understood from both intrapersonal and interpersonal perspectives—that is, how anger is cognitively (as opposed to emotionally) processed, and how other individuals relate to its verbal and physical manifestation. Research of this nature could potentially elicit a change in educational policy and the means by which the principles subsumed within the Anger Blanket (e.g. anger is a secondary emotion) are communicated to older children and adolescents.

The present study was designed to examine the experience and expression of anger amongst children, as indicated by the children themselves—that is, through their own language. Indeed, future research may be able to expand on the emotional knowledge of children by delving into additional social and cognitive constructs experienced by children that guide both externalized behaviors as well as internalized emotions. Children themselves are potentially the most invaluable resource in child-related studies; to neglect their inclusion and their perspective is to dismiss the notion that they too have a voice deserving of our recognition and appreciation.