Abstract
Yārsān (also known as Ahl-i Haqq, and Kaka-i) is an ethnoreligious group that originated in western Iran in Kermanshah province. Its members are scattered all over the country (and the Middle East) among the Kurds, Azeris, Lurs, Laks, and Persians. In this chapter, drawing on my multi-sited fieldwork in northern and western Iran, I focus on the social and religious turns of the Khwajvands, a community that adheres to the Yārsān faith and was the foremost Kurdish tribe that migrated from Kermanshah to Kalardasht around 200 years ago. It aims to shed light on the transformations of Yārsānis in their rituals and social representations in Kalardasht through the interactions they had with another ethnic group, the Gilaks, who are considered the natives of Kalardasht. Moreover, I show how Yārsānis survive in a community where the majority hold Shi’ite identity, especially after the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979.
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Notes
- 1.
A mountainous region in Mazandaran, surrounded by forests, hills, and snow-covered peaks with thirty villages and a central town (see https://www.mporg.ir/FileSystem/View/File.aspx?FileId=96f545d1-a549-46fe-bfd7-d6f38c139239, accessed 8 September 2020).
- 2.
The term “tribe” is used here as the translation of the Persian word il. Il in Persian refers to those people who live utilizing herding, are transhumant, and are under the control of a khan who is from the il or an adjacent il. The tribal population of Kalardasht originally belonged to these groups, but at present, they do not continue the il way of life. (Mir-Hosseini, 1987, 411) Il is used by the indigenous to distinguish themselves from those who settled in the region later on.
- 3.
Tribes were the Iranian premodern military authority replaced by central military forces in the modern era (Cronin, 2007, 106).
- 4.
Gerrus was a small, mountainous province of Iran, situated between Zanjan Province and Azerbaijan region in the north, and Kurdistan Province and Hamadan Province in the south. Gerrus is now incorporated within Zanjan and Kurdistan Provinces.
- 5.
“Large numbers of Kurds from Kurdistan found themselves deported to the Alburz mountains and Khurâsân, as well as the heights in the central Iranian Plateau” (Izady, 1992, 176).
- 6.
He mentions the Delfan, Kakavand, Lak, and Sultâqulikhâni tribes.
- 7.
Retrieved from https://nnt.sci.org.ir/sites/Apps/yearbook/Lists/year_book_req/Item/newifs.aspx. Accessed 29 July 2020.
- 8.
It is not merely a religious belief; it aims at their safety. Salloum shows that the emergence of Kakaism in Iraq, amid a majority-Muslim environment, as a mystical group urged its followers to hide their true identity. The mysticism is based on the separation between the visible and the invisible. Accordingly, there is a form of life known to all people, and another concerned with secret and spiritual life (Salloum, 2013, 167). Without this secretive trend, Kakaism would not have survived until the present.
- 9.
Sayyeds are direct descendants (spiritual or biological) of the sect’s founder or his later manifestations (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 122). They fall into eleven linkages, referred to as Khandan (spiritual house or family). Khandan means to genealogically belong to the tribe’s founder, and Khandans are also called Sayyed. The leaders select from this group. The believers split into two parts: Tayefa and Khandan. Tayefa is the rest of the believers, who do not have familial bonds with the founder.
- 10.
The founder of Yārsān divided his followers to be ruled by some Khandans (spiritual houses, families). They fall into eleven linkages; Atesh-Begi is one of them.
- 11.
The leader of Atesh-Begi sect of that time. As mentioned above, the founder of Yārsān divided his followers to be ruled by a few families. These families are called Sayyeds which is a prefix to express respect to a high-status family. It came from the Islamic tradition; descendants of Prophet Mohammad are also known as Sayyeds.
- 12.
Although the followers of Yārsān were largely tribesmen and peasants, or poor urban migrants, with no link to the centers of power (Mir-Hosseini 1994, 213), the Yārsān community in Kalardasht had social power.
- 13.
Sayyed Mohammad Atesh-Begi, also known as Sayyed Mohammad Baqer and Mirza Sayyed Mohammad Kalardashti, from the Sayyed family of Atesh-Begi and nephew of Sayyed Hassan Atesh-Begi, is known among the disciples as Sayyed Hassan Khoda. (Hassan is their God). After Sayyed Hassan, Sayyed Mohammad claimed to be a manifestation (of Shah Mohammad Beg and Hassan Khalifa) (Soltani, 1998, 159).
- 14.
Rudbarak is a village in Kalardasht which has a great deal of contact with the urban centers. It is used as a summer resort by a large number of townspeople, some of whom own villas and other properties there (Mir-Hosseini, 1989, 216).
- 15.
The brother of Sahib Sultan Khwajvand, one of Nasser al-Din Shah’s wives.
- 16.
Offering food (Nazr) is the generic form of any offering, and one of the main features of Yārsān rites which are divided into three categories: Niaz (supplication), Qurbani (bloodless or blood sacrifice), and Khedmat (service) (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 124).
- 17.
The women of the family are responsible for preparing the ritual foods and they also perform the same ritual for virtually all daughters-in-law of the group.
- 18.
They are also referred to by some people as Ali-Allahi. According to those people, Yārsānis consider Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Muhammad and a central figure in Shi’ite Islam, to be an incarnation of God, and subsequently, they worship him.
- 19.
The sacred poems have an especially venerated place in these systems, and they are traditionally memorized, studied, and performed by trained professionals or transmitters (Kreyenbroek & Marzolph, 2010, 83).
- 20.
An Iranian hero in Shahname.
- 21.
The grandson of the prophet Muhammad and the son of Ali.
- 22.
One of Sultan’s companions.
- 23.
The belief in Ali’s divine nature is shared by many other Middle Eastern sects of extremist Shi’ite (Ghulat) origins, such as the Nusayris (Alawis) in Syria and the Qizilbash (Alevis) in Turkey. Their more orthodox neighbors often lump these sects together under the nickname “Ali-Ilahis” (van Bruinessen, 1991, 14).
- 24.
Yārsāni reciters and religious leaders were traditionally trained, not just to perform the sacred texts but also to understand and interpret them. The background and training of the Yārsān Kalâmkhân (who chant the sacred poems in the Jam ceremony) are generally informal (Kreyenbroek & Marzolph, 2010, 84).
- 25.
At first encounter, the Yārsānis tell you that their faith is a Sirr, an impenetrable mystery. The Yārsān regard their creed as Sirr, a secret accessible only to a select group, who in order to protect it had to transmit it in a secret language (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 112).
- 26.
The Jam (assembly or gathering) is the central ritual of the sect, which can be performed collectively in a place known as Jam-Khāne (the house for gathering). This place could be anywhere. Jam-Khāne is often built in the house of the leading Sayyed of the khandan (spiritual house, family) with the help of the followers (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 125). I took part in an annual celebration of the Yārsān in the house of one of the followers. They provided the largest room of the house for the gathering, covered it with window curtains, and kept its doors closed. The members of the congregation were careful not to let any women in; however, they were allowed to see the inside when the door was open. Main rites include sacrificing specific animals (sheep and roosters) while reciting the scriptures.
- 27.
In order to join them, the Yārsān have some initiation rites which are commonly referred to as Jowze-ye sar shekastan (breaking the nutmeg representing breaking the head) (Mir-Hosseini, 1996, 123) or Sar-Separi. They do the rite for most of the children of the Yārsān tribes after they are born.
- 28.
Keeping a mustache is mandatory for men.
- 29.
During mentions the names and the labels, many of which were Mullah (literally means master; it refers to a religious leader) or Sayyed: Mulla Rokneddin (who became a manifestation of Michael), Baba Faqih, Sayyed Mohammed, Zahir-o-din Ibn Mahmud, known as Sayyed Kheder, who is acknowledged as a manifestation of Gabriel. They were angels in human forms and the closest companions of Sultan. Another one, Mostafa Dawudan, was a fiq’h (Islamic jurisprudence) student of Mulla Elyas from Shahre-Zur. Abedin, to whom one chapter of the Kalām is devoted, was a talabe (a theology student), hostile to Sultan before his conversion (During, 2005, 135).
- 30.
Retrieved from https://karafarini.mcls.gov.ir/icm_content/media/image/2019/03/265710_orig.pdf. Accessed 7 September 2020.
- 31.
“Ethnic, tribal, and other identities (religion, language, kinship, gender, occupation, region, class, nationality, etc.) are essentially negotiable, changing, multiple, and flexible. The ascription of ethnic identity to a group or individual varies with the speaker, the audience, and the context. Ethnic groups do not exist objectively, but rather, all groups and associations display, to a greater or lesser extent, features commonly associated with ethnicity: a tendency to endogamy and self-definition regarding common values and traditions” (Tapper, 1997, 316).
- 32.
In anthropology, the term “ethnic group” is generally perceived to designate a biologically self-perpetuating population. The group shares fundamental cultural values, realized in overt unitary cultural forms, makes up a field of communication and interaction, and has members who identify themselves as such, and are identified by others as constituting a category distinguishable from other categories of the same order (Barth, 1969, 11).
- 33.
A case in point is the distribution and diversity of Pathan local social systems; “by basic Pathan values, a Southern Pathan from the homogeneous, lineage-organized mountain areas, can only find the behavior of Pathans in Swat so different from, and reprehensible in terms of, their values that they declare their northern brothers are ‘no longer Pathan’. Indeed, by ‘objective’ criteria, their overt pattern of organization seems much closer to that of Panjabis. But I found it possible, by explaining the circumstances in the north, to make Southern Pathans agree that these were indeed Pathans too, and grudgingly to admit that under those circumstances, they might indeed themselves act in the same way” (Barth, 1969, 13).
- 34.
William Shaffir also points to the problem of identity preservation in Montreal, Canada, by studying how a community of Lubavitcher Hasidic Jews has managed to protect their identity in an urban environment. His findings indicate that they uphold their distinctive character by collecting the memories of the members of the group encountered throughout its existence, and the events that have shaped the group’s present situation (Shaffir, 1974). The Yārsān reshapes its identity by redefining the group’s identity markers.
- 35.
Yārsāni ritual gathering.
- 36.
In Yārsānism we can see these changes. They have expanded from eight Khandans (families or spiritual houses) to eleven.
- 37.
Episodic memory refers to mental representations of personally experienced events, conceptualized as unique episodes in one’s life (Whitehouse, 2000, 5). Episodic memories are not generalized.
- 38.
- 39.
These eight Khandans (spiritual houses) include:
1. Khandan (spiritual house, family) of Shah-Ebrahim; Shah Ibrahim himself was from Haftan, and his father was Sayyed Mohammad from Haftavaneh. His children are Mire Beg, Qanun Beg, Qalandar Beg, and Cheragh Beg. Khan Ahmad Khan and Khoubyar were also the children of Mir Habib.
2. Ᾱli-Qalandari; He was one of the haftan . When the Sultan determined the families, he did not have children because he was not married, and he was not alive while the Khandan were created. Therefore, two of his relatives named “Dada Ali” and “Dada Hussein” were appointed by the Sultan to be his successors. Now, Sadat Ali-Qalandar are their descendants.
3. Baba-Yadegar; He is also from the Haftan , and he was not married like Aali-Qalandar and had no children. Thus, two of his companions, in the terms of Khial (imagination) succeeded his position as Pir . The Babayadgar Sayyeds family are their descendants.
4. Mir-Sour; from Haftavaneh.
5. Sayyed Abol-Vafᾱ; he is from Haftavaneh, and after his death, his son Sayyed Ood, and after him, Sayyed Sheikh Ali, became the leaders of that family.
6. Sayyed Mosaffa from Haftavaneh.
7. Haji Baba-Isa, from Haftavaneh.
8. Zonnour; who is a descendant of Sayyed Abu al-Wafa (Elahi, 1987, 63–66).
- 40.
Atesh-Begi family; Shah-hayyasi, and Baba-Heydar (Elahi, 1987, 63–68).
- 41.
The main village is “Ta’eb Kola” (people call it Tabkola) with population of 200, and Bazar-sar has around 300 residents.
- 42.
Khalife helps Sayyed to share food properly in the ceremony and has a high status among the followers.
- 43.
According to estimates by the U.S. State Department and other bodies, such as Global Security, Iran Press Watch, and Iran Primer, Bahaiis, Christians, Jews, Sabean-Mandaeans, Zoroastrians, and Yārsānis constitute less than one percent of the population in Iran. U.S. Department, Iran: International Religious Freedom Report 2017, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, retrieved from https://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/religiousfreedom/index.htm#wrapper. Accessed 27 July 2020.
- 44.
Article 12 declares that the official religion of Iran is the Jafari branch of Islam; article 13 declares that Zoroastrians, Jews, and Christians are the only officially recognized minority groups of Iran who are entitled to perform their religious practices and rituals according to their own traditions (Gavahi, 2007, 19).
- 45.
“Iran and Iraq, the Mandaeans are known as Sobbi, a term derived from the Quranic plural term sabean referring to a group of ahl-il-kitab (people of the Book, the followers of authentic religions), with the others including Christians and Jews. The Mandaeans call themselves mandaii, but living in an Islamic country, they usually prefer to introduce themselves as Sabean mandai to emphasis their identity as ahl-il-kitab” (Arabestani, 2012, 157).
- 46.
U.S. Department, Iran: International Religious Freedom Report 2017, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, available at https://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/religiousfreedom/index.htm#wrapper.
- 47.
There are no official statistics available on the number of people who practice Yārsān, although unofficial reports estimate there are more than five million Yārsānis in the Middle East (Hosseini 2017, 21).
- 48.
Iranian Islamic veil.
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This chapter is based on ethnographic research I conducted for my master’s thesis in Anthropology at the University of Tehran in 2017–2018.
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Saffari, F.R. (2022). An Ethnography of a Yārsān Diaspora Community’s Endurance in Kalardasht, Northern Iran. In: Hosseini, S.B. (eds) Yari Religion in Iran. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6444-1_3
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