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The Syntax and the Semantics of the Deontic Modals yīng 應 and dāng 當 in Early Buddhist Texts

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New Perspectives on Aspect and Modality in Chinese Historical Linguistics

Part of the book series: Frontiers in Chinese Linguistics ((FiCL,volume 5))

Abstract

Modal verbs in Chinese are a clear instantiation of grammaticalization, to a certain extent comparable to the English modals. All Chinese modals derive from lexical verbs and grammaticalize into markers of deontic and/or epistemic modality, and/or into future markers. The modals當 dā̄ng and應 yīng ‘should’, at issue in this discussion first emerge as modal verbs at the end of the Late Archaic and the beginning of the Middle Chinese periods. In the Buddhist literature, both appear regularly as modal verbs in different functions, although they display some syntactic and semantic differences. This paper approaches the grammaticalization of the two modal verbs from two different perspectives. In the first part of the paper, the diachronic development from lexical verbs to modal auxiliaries is sketched, and their different functions are analyzed within a syntactic framework. The second part of the paper is devoted to the special employment of ying and dang in the Buddhist Vinaya literature.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For more extensive discussions on the development of dāng see Meisterernst (2011) and Wu 巫雪如 (2014). Wu 巫雪如 presents the hypothesis that all readings of dāng, i.e. the root modal, the deontic, the epistemic and the future meanings are already attested at the end of the Warring States period. According to her, the different readings are induced by the different meanings dang has as a lexical verb. The readings are partly induced by context (see also Meisterernst 2011). It cannot be excluded that the different meanings and functions of dāng were actually marked morphologically. Unger (ms.) proposes a qùshēng reading with the meaning ‘appropriate, correct, etc.’ in addition to the píngshēng reading.

  2. 2.

    See Wu 巫雪如 (2014) with the hypothesis that dāng had future meanings already at the end of the Warring States period. There readings seem to be rather contextually induced.

  3. 3.

    See also Li (2004: 234f).

  4. 4.

    Anderl (2004: 417 assumes that yīng also serves to express epistemic modality in the Zǔtáng jí and that this function was possible “introduced by Indian Buddhist logic which was introduced to China through the translation of Sanskrit scriptures.” On the other hand the development of an epistemic reading from originally deontic readings is well attested e.g. in the Germanic languages (Meisterernst ms.).

  5. 5.

    For the heuristic principles of grammaticalizations see also Hopper (1991: 22).

  6. 6.

    In the Early Middle Chinese non-Buddhist corpus, yīng appears much less frequently as a modal auxiliary verb than dāng. Although, for instance, NEG+ying is much more frequent than NEG+dang, in most of the instances of NEG+ying, ying still functions as a lexical verb. Whereas dang as a modal auxiliary is already regularly attested in the Western Han period, ying only starts to appear more frequently in the function during the Eastern Han period.

  7. 7.

    There are exceptions to this rule in which the YI-phrase probably moved to an external focus position.

  8. 8.

    The modal verb 得 in LAC also occasionally has CP complements. These are not discussed here.

  9. 9.

    Modals in the lexical layer belong to the category of Modal2, discussed below. According to Coupé and van Kemenade (2009) non-verbal complementation provides evidence for the status of Modal2.

  10. 10.

    These layers have also been proposed in Tsai’s (2015) cartographic approach to modals, which is based on Rizzi 1997).

  11. 11.

    The precise syntactic analysis of the regular position of the negative marker still has to be figured out. But the development of deontic readings of modals of possibility in combination with negation has probably been triggered by the fact that there was a syntactic position for deontic negative markers outside vP in Archaic Chinese.

  12. 12.

    The same probably also holds true for the modal verb 能 néng.

  13. 13.

    It is possible that the synthetic modal negative markers, which have deontic readings and accordingly should differ syntactically from the non-modal negative markers, serve as a trigger for NEG+AUXmod to move up to this position.

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Xiong, J., Meisterernst, B. (2019). The Syntax and the Semantics of the Deontic Modals yīng 應 and dāng 當 in Early Buddhist Texts. In: Meisterernst, B. (eds) New Perspectives on Aspect and Modality in Chinese Historical Linguistics. Frontiers in Chinese Linguistics, vol 5. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1948-8_8

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