Abstract
This chapter explores the conceptions and representations of space in early modern demonology, focusing on the contribution brought by cosmographical knowledge to demonology in the Renaissance. I start by examining the conception of the devil as an inhabitant of the air, free to invade the world of the living: a fundamentally mobile creature, the devil possessed a mastery of the sublunar world that made him akin to cosmographers. I then assess the extent to which demonologists incorporated geographical information into their treatises, and in particular material related to the new worlds discovered overseas. I argue that the publication of Olaus Magnus’s Description of the Northern Peoples (1555) marked a critical moment in the construction of this “cosmography of the devil,” and analyse one of its most striking examples: Le Loyer’s Discours et histoires des spectres (1605). The diabolical world map outlined by demonologists was a dynamic one, across which demons moved according to the flow of history. It expressed an anxiety beyond that of the fear of witchcraft: what is at work here is the idea of Europe being contaminated by the New World.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
- 3.
- 4.
Lestringant (1994, 59).
- 5.
- 6.
The presentation of these three inventions as emblems of modernity can be found throughout the period in the works of authors such as Rabelais, Fernel, Cardano, Bodin, Le Roy, Frobisher, etc.
- 7.
Rabelais’s Pantagruel (1532), Chap. 8: “Printing likewise is now in use, so elegant, and so correct that better cannot be imagined, although it was found out but in my time by divine inspiration, as by a diabolical suggestion on the other side was the invention of Ordnance.” (Rabelais 2005, 161) This opposition between the “divinely inspired” printing press and the “diabolical” art of artillery is also a humanist commonplace: see Hale (1966).
- 8.
Boureau (2006, 93‒118).
- 9.
On the emergence of this “cumulative concept of witchcraft,” see Levack (2006, 32‒51). For early fifteenth-century representations of the Sabbat, see Ostorero et al. (1999). Although absent from early treatises such as Kramer’s influential Malleus maleficarum (1486/7), the Sabbat becomes a central feature of demonology a century later. Even then, however, exists a body of demonological writing indifferent to the subject of witchcraft, and thus to the Sabbat: see Chesters (2011).
- 10.
On Faust and curiosity in the first printed versions of the legend, see Maus de Rolley (2011, 510‒523).
- 11.
Stephens (2002, 353).
- 12.
- 13.
Le Normant (1623, 303).
- 14.
For a description of the punishments of hell, see the exorcism of Louise Capeau on 14 December 1611 in Michaëlis (1614, 72–74). In the account of her demonic possession (published 1586), Jeanne Féry briefly narrates a visionary journey to hell (Buisseret 1586, f. 46 v°). For a similar account in a case of divine possession, see Thérèse d’Avila (1601, Chap. XXXII).
- 15.
Bodin (1580), f. 7 r°.
- 16.
- 17.
Augustine, Enarratio in Psalmum CXLVIII, cited in Cohn (1975, 66).
- 18.
- 19.
Vacant (1903‒50, iv, 1, col. 321‒409).
- 20.
- 21.
On this work and its influence on late Renaissance demonology, see Chesters (2011, 175‒185).
- 22.
Crespet (1590, f. 15 v°).
- 23.
Le Loyer (1605, 340): “Et pour les lieux particuliers que ces mesmes Esprits aiment & cherchent, ils sont presque infinis, pour n’estre les Demons exclus de lieu quelconque qui soit sous le cercle Lunaire. Aussi qu’ils sont Esprits de l’air, & comme au monde inferieur l’air est diffus par tout, de mesme les Demons sont diffus par le bas univers.”
- 24.
Cited in Boureau (2006, 25).
- 25.
Le Loyer (1605, 786): “Le diable ne cesse de tracasser et courir par toute la terre, et circuit icelle […] afin de chercher sa proye, qui est le pêcheur, le surprendre au despourveu, l’engloutir et devorer.”
- 26.
Le Loyer (1605, 786): “C’est son repos que cela, c’est son exercice coustumier, c’est la place mouvante, son lict branlant et tournoyant, son coche, sa litiere, son carrosse où il est branlé et agité dans cesse, et dont il ne voudroit estre osté, et se fasche contre le Magicien qui par ses charmes et paroles importunes le trouble et travaille, ce luy semble, en luy faisant quitter son travail qui est delectable, et l’excitant et arrachant du lieu où il estoit occupé.”
- 27.
Lancre (1612, 13): “C’est [= le monde] le Globe & le cerne que ceste beste sanglante va tournoyant estant tousjours en queste dequoy elle pourra remplir cest Enfer qui ne dict jamais (c’est assez).”
- 28.
Lancre (1612, 20).
- 29.
Michaëlis (1587, 68).
- 30.
I do not develop here these two questions of demonic possession and demonic “transvection” (i.e., the devil’s ability to transport bodies across space). For the former, see Certeau (2000), Caciola (2003), Ferber (2004), Levack (2013). For the latter, see Stephens (2002, 125‒144), Maus de Rolley (2011, 412‒539).
- 31.
Lancre (1612, 278): “Ces Esprits courent par tout au dessus & au dessous nostre Hemisphere, vont au centre de la terre, fouillent tous les coings & entrailles d’icelle, montent aux nues, font foudroyer, tempester & plouvoir, le tout par les agents naturels, ainsi que Dieu le permet.” Compare with the praises of astronomy and cosmography quoted in Maus de Rolley (2011, 101–106).
- 32.
Thorndike (1949, 239‒240).
- 33.
On the cosmographer’s “all-powerful gaze” (“regard tout-puissant”), see Lestringant (1994, 19‒26).
- 34.
Michaëlis (1587, 84): “Comme voyans qu’il pleut desja aux Indes, et que le temps est disposé pour porter les nuees vers les quartiers d’Egypte, [le diable] fait sçavoir à ses oracles qu’il pleuvra en bref en Egypte, et quand il voit que grande abondance de neige a fondu aux montagnes, ou commencé à fondre, il predit aussi que le Nil, ou autre grosse rivière débordera, mais il ne dit sinon ce qu’il voit.”
- 35.
For a reading of these demonic voyages, see Maus de Rolley (2011, 510‒539).
- 36.
For an example of these discussions, see Weyer (1998, 201‒202).
- 37.
For virtually all demonologists, true miracles were reserved to God alone. The devil could not overrule the laws of nature, and achieved most of his wonders by manipulating nature and its occult properties. His domain was not that of the supernatural, but of the preternatural, i.e., the realm of deviant and prodigious phenomena that were yet within nature. See Clark (1997, 151–178).
- 38.
Le Loyer (1586, 485).
- 39.
I am thinking here of Bachelard’s “Poetics of Space” (Poétique de l’espace, 1957).
- 40.
The fact is noted by Lancre (1612, 68‒69) but also by modern historians. See Roper (2004, 109): “At the height of the witch craze, when accused witches described the dances, the sites they described were often tucked away locally, by the mill perhaps, a place associated with boundaries between the wild and the settled, and situated usually on an isolated area or at the edge of habitation; or in the woods.” See also Roper’s remarks on the “narrowness of [village witches’] geographical imagination” in sixteenth-century Germany: Roper (2013, 6).
- 41.
Lancre (1622, 629‒630): “l’esprit délicat qui n’a jamais bougé d’une grosse ville, et n’a jamais rien veu, que ce qui se voit à grosses troupes, qui n’a rien ouy des Demons, que ce qu’il en a peu apprendre dans les livres. […] Ce n’est pas dans les delices d’une grosse et puissante Cité où les Demons se font voir ou sentir: la multitude infinie du Peuple, les Eglises, la devotion, la conversation, chassent ordinairement tout cela.” Compare for instance with Léry (1990, 21–22). For a reading of Lancre’s Tableau de l’inconstance as a narrative of discovery, similar to those written by travellers back from the New World, see Jacques-Lefèvre (2008).
- 42.
Moshe Sluhovsky has demonstrated that the outburst of mass possessions cases in seventeenth-century France and Europe had a rich “pre-history”. Most of the sixteenth-century cases, though, remained “cloaked in silence,” some of them being known to us only from a list compiled by Weyer in the 1568 edition of his treatise. See Sluhovsky (2002, in particular 1385–1386). On the possession at Aix-en-Provence, see Ferber (2004, 71–88).
- 43.
- 44.
Le Loyer (1605, 702): “En ce cartier d’Endor ou Fribolet y avoit force bois, force landes et pastures, force collines, outre les monts Tabor et Gelboé, qui en estoient proches. Et cecy je ne le dis point pour neant, parce qu’aux femmes simples qui gardent leurs bestes és pastures et colines, et aux pasteurs et bouviers des champs les Diables s’insinuent plus facilement qu’à d’autres qui ont plus de ruse et se sçavent mieux garder des embusches Diaboliques. Davantage parmy les landes, prairies, collines, montagnes, pastures, forests y a plus de Sorciers et Sorcieres qu’és villes et villages, esquels hantent et frequentent les hommes.”
- 45.
- 46.
On the imagination of space in Nider’s Formicarius, see Céard (2008).
- 47.
See the maps in Kramer (2009, viii).
- 48.
Most of these treatises have been compiled in Abbiati et al. (1984).
- 49.
- 50.
- 51.
See for instance Castañega (1994, 22): “Tierras remotas y estrañas.” These stereotyped formulas recall the mention, in the famous Canon Episcopi (10th century), of the “great spaces of earth” (multa terrarum spatia) supposedly traversed “in the silence of the dead of night” by the wicked women seduced by the illusions of Satan. (Translation and presentation in Kors and Peters (2001, 60‒63)).
- 52.
Le Franc (1999, iv, vv. 17842–17843).
- 53.
The most notable exception would be Castañega’s reference to idolatrous cults in New Spain: Castañega (1994, 26‒27).
- 54.
- 55.
Lestringant (2004, 45).
- 56.
- 57.
Zika (2007, 224‒226).
- 58.
Mitchell (1997).
- 59.
Torquemada (1982, 444): “la principal habitacion de los demonios.” Torquemada’s Jardín de flores curiosas (1570) is a miscellaneous book in six treatises (hence its French title, Hexaméron) which could hardly be described as a demonological work as a whole; however, its third treatise, on demons and ghosts, is a demonological discourse in the true sense. Besides, demons, ghosts and witches reappear in parts V and VI, two cosmographical treatises on the Far North heavily indebted to Olaus Magnus. As such, Torquemada’s Jardín played an important part in the diffusion of Olaus Magnus’s discourse on Nordic superstitious beliefs, especially in France, where Gabriel Chappuys translated it in 1579.
- 60.
- 61.
See for instance Magnus (1996, III, Preface, 147): “I must tell how the malignity and craft of the devil have for so many past centuries held that country [Lithuania] in frightful delusions (as indeed ever other nation), until in recent years it has been summoned to the communion of the Catholic faith. […] [Lithuania is] freed now from the worship of demons.” Lestringant argues that Olaus Magnus’s discourse is somewhat more ambivalent, caught between the desire to exalt the marvels of the Far North and the necessity to denounce the progress of evil in those regions (Lestringant 2004, 51).
- 62.
- 63.
I do not develop here the question of the influence of demonological thought on early modern travellers and, more generally, on the European perception of the New World. For elements of analysis, see the references listed above in Footnote 3.
- 64.
See Lestringant (1985).
- 65.
Machielsen (2015, 255).
- 66.
Weyer (1998, 22).
- 67.
- 68.
Holtz (2008).
- 69.
See Pic de la Mirandole (2007, 24‒27).
- 70.
Magnus (1996, 155).
- 71.
Daneau (1579, 26): “Car Satan a de tout temps depuis le monde creé, esté semblable à soy-mesme, & tel qu’il est aujourd’huy.”
- 72.
Weyer (1998, 22).
- 73.
Bodin (1580, f. E4 v°): “Je deduiray en son lieu la convenance et accord perpétuel d’histoires semblables des peuples divers, et en divers siecles rapportées aux actions des Sorcieres, et à leurs confessions.”
- 74.
- 75.
Le Loyer (1605, 326‒340).
- 76.
Le Loyer (1605): “C’est assez parlé de l’Ecosse, passons la mer, et entrons au pays de Dannemarch et de Norvège” (328); “Mais ayans parlé des Indes Orientales et Occidentales, tournons voile vers nostre Hemisphere, et dessus l’Ocean et Mer Atlantique, voguons jusques en l’Afrique, laissans derriere nous le Cap de Bonne Esperance” (338); “Je laisseray l’Afrique, & passant le destroict de Gibraltar, je me reposeray en l’Isle de Cephalenie, comme j’ay commencé par l’Isle d’Escosse” (339). On the rhetorics of the periegesis, see Jacob (1981).
- 77.
On the figure of the cosmographer as aerial traveller, see Maus de Rolley (2011, 371‒408).
- 78.
Le Loyer (1605, 194): “Des Demons, et de leurs noms et appellations, qui se remarquent en diverses langues.”
- 79.
Le Loyer (1605, 207): “Les autres Indiens Orientaux ont leurs Diables, Goya, Permal, Haminant, Muthiam. Les Japonais appellent du nom de Goquis les Diables qui leur apparaissent en forme humaine: Et en l’Inde Occidentale, ceux de la province de Saincte Croix, voisine du Peru & Paragay ont leur diable Toboroccoce, les Peruviens leur Xixarama, & Noachah, les Floridiens ont leur Aignan, les Taopinambaux, leur kagerre ou Demon Forestier, les Caribbes ou Canibales leur Chiappan, les habitans de Canada, & Hochelaga leur Gougou, Diable femme & une autre Lamie, & leur Cudruagny, qu’ils peignent, ce dit Jacques Cartier, ni plus ni moins que nous peignons les Diables avecques deux cornes en teste.”
- 80.
For other demonological readings of this episode, see Holtz (2008, 172‒177).
- 81.
Le Loyer (1605, 207).
- 82.
Le Loyer (1605, 207).
- 83.
Mac Cormack (1995, 87‒88).
- 84.
Le Loyer (1605, 207).
- 85.
Lestringant (2004, 53).
- 86.
Bodin (1580, f. 120 r°): “La publication de la Loi divine a bien fort diminué la puissance de Satan.”
- 87.
Ibid., f. 14 v°.
- 88.
Acosta (2002, 254).
- 89.
Massé (1579, f. 49 v°): “Les diables fuient des terres neuves où ils estoient, chassés par la prédication et réception de l’Evangile et reviennent en ces terres ici dont ils avoient esté autrefois chassés.”
- 90.
Massé (1579, f. 49 v°): “[le diable] retourne [en Europe] comme post liminium, c’est-à-dire par droit de recouvrance.”
- 91.
Crespet (1590, f. 194 v°): “[le diable] s’est venu fourrer parmy la France dés lors que la foi a esté plantée és terres neuves, & pays estranges.”
- 92.
Ibid.
- 93.
Blendecq (1582, f. 102 r°): “Nous sommes quinze mille dix huict cens qui sommes sortis des Indes, dont les quatre cens sont en ce pays par le commandement de Dieu.”
- 94.
Lancre (1612, 80): “de grandes troupes de démons en forme d’hommes épouvantables passer en France.”
- 95.
Lancre (1612, 569‒570).
- 96.
- 97.
On demonology and eschatology, see Clark (1997, 335‒345).
- 98.
The phrase is used by a “Spanish Catholic theologian” quoted by Roper (2004, 27).
- 99.
On this point, and more particularly on “the conflation of witchcraft with Amerindian cannibalism,” see Zika (2007, 219).
- 100.
Lancre (1612, 99, 129 and 136).
- 101.
Massé (1579, f. 49 v°): “La cruauté des Canibales mang’hommes se transfere.”
- 102.
Certeau (2000, 121).
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Acknowledgments
Most of the research for this chapter was supported by a British Academy Postdoctoral Fellowship held at Oriel College, Oxford (2010‒12). I would like to acknowledge the support and encouragement of Timothy Chesters and Wes Williams, both of whom gave constructive comments on early versions of this essay. I also thank Grégoire Holtz, Jan Machielsen and an anonymous reviewer for their useful feedback. Last but not least, I am grateful to Emma Claussen, who translated it from the French. All translations of non-English quotations are mine except where otherwise noted.
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Maus de Rolley, T. (2016). Putting the Devil on the Map: Demonology and Cosmography in the Renaissance. In: Vermeir, K., Regier, J. (eds) Boundaries, Extents and Circulations. Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, vol 41. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41075-3_7
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