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12.1 History and Social Parameters of the Education System

12.1.1 Cornerstones of Historical Developments

The educational tradition of the Czech Republic is determined by its history marked mainly by the Kingdom of Bohemia, the Habsburg monarchy up to 1918, the establishment of the Republic of Czechoslovakia from 1919, a turning point brought about by the Munich Agreement, the postwar period with its struggle between West-East orientation, the period of Communist domination from 1948 to 1989, and the subsequent social transformation. Some of the key moments of this tradition as related to education include the founding of the Charles University in Prague; the Bohemian reformation of the Hussite period with its reference to the written word of the Bible made accessible to every man, which brought with it a wave of literacy and the notion of general education; the impact of the humanist Jan Amos Comenius (1592–1670) whose educational ideas and works were ahead of their time and in many respects have not lost their significance today; the embedding in the cultural region of Habsburg Absolutism, whose pragmatic support for education proved to be fertile ground for educational developments especially in Bohemia where full literacy was nearly achieved at a very early stage in history and which led to a remarkable expansion of secondary education; the special role of the national movements which built up the Czech education system in the face of resistance from the German Bohemians and Vienna; and the high esteem that education enjoyed in Czechoslovakia (1918–1938) expressed in the rapid expansion of the Slovakian and Carpatho-Ukrainian school system, in educational reform initiatives, in the challenging expansion of vocational education which led in many cases to matriculation, and in private initiatives such as the famous “School of Work” of the Bat’a group of companies. In contrast, the Munich Agreement, the division of Czechoslovakia and the occupation of the country, tended to marginalize Czech education.

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After 1948, Communist politics was highly influenced by the Soviet Union, and educational opportunity was subject to rigid policy of social redistribution; a rapid expansion of the secondary school sector, which included standardizing schools, cutting school time in the wake of heavy industrialization, and mobilizing a fast-growing population of workers; and the accelerated development of vocational training. Khrushchev’s political reforms also affected education. The Party Congress of 1959 approved the target of providing vocational education for “nearly all young people” within a period of 10 years. The path to this aim included making general education schools more technical on the one hand and increasing the general and theoretical components of vocational colleges on the other hand. Vocational education benefited mostly from this, but the development also led to destabilizing general education secondary schools, frequently changing types of objectives, and many organizational changes. Overall school time up to and including matriculation in the 1950s was shortened to 11 years; increased to 12 in the 1960s, increased to 13 years in the 1960s, and in addition the general education upper secondary schools being renamed into “gymnasium” (the traditional name prior to 1948). In the 1970s and 1980s, school time was reduced again to 12 years following the shortening of time at primary school only to be increased again to 13 years in 1989.

The “velvet revolution” of 1989 meant a radical new beginning, the comprehensive democratization and pluralization of society, and a fundamental reorientation of educational, curricular, and governance policy. The 8-year secondary “gymnasium” school was reintroduced (a concept discussed during the Prague Spring of 1968 but never realized) while maintaining a separate 4-year upper level gymnasium; private education was reestablished and the education system de-ideologized. Without all this, the demanding process of liberalization and democratization would have been problematic.

12.1.2 Key Phases of Reform and Innovation in Education in the Last 30 Years

The fundamental line of development over the first part of the last 30 years was built on the legacy of educational policy in the light of the “normalization” process installed by the Communist regime after the suppression of the Prague Spring. In 1984, a comprehensive reform act following the guidelines of these developments was passed. In the 1960s, policy makers rejected two opposing models of school, one a polytechnic and the other a general education model, as the main form of mass secondary education. Instead, the decision was taken to promote expansion by more closely connecting the three pillars of the existing general education and vocational school forms, with vocational education being considerably strengthened.

However, an OECD report published during the transformation phase following 1989 recommended Czech educational policy to emphasize general secondary education as represented by the grammar school or gymnasium at the expense of vocational education. In actual fact, the proportion of pupils attending grammar school fell between 1985 and 1995 from 15.9 % to 14.6 %, and the proportion of vocational education pupils also fell in the same period from over 60 % to 46 %. This was largely the consequence not of educational policy but of a crisis in vocational education as a result of the privatization of industry, which initially divested non-profit-making school and training centers. At the same time, the proportion of secondary school facilities leading to a double qualification (vocational and university entrance qualifications) rose steadily from around 25 % in 1985 to 38.5 % in 1995 (von Kopp 1998). Thus, in contrast to OECD recommendations, the proportion of vocational-based secondary education rose significantly even during the transformation phase. This trend is not necessarily attributable to any obstruction politics on behalf of the Czech Republic to counter OECD recommendations but to traditional structures of the training and employment system, inherited vocational and school prestige, and a corresponding demand from pupils/families themselves (von Kopp 2009). Nonetheless, secondary education continued its overall expansion. The proportion of an age cohort completing upper secondary education rose from just over 40 % at the end of the 1960s to 65 % in 1997 and to around 70 % in 2003 (Statistická ročenka 2007). One consequence of this expansion and diversification is however the problem of a principle pursued in the past of providing a uniform and equivalent school-leaving certificate for all forms of school, a problem that has hindered the process of reforming certification somewhat.

In the wake of a dramatic economic crisis in the first half of the 1990s caused by the radical restructuring of the whole economic system, the separation from Slovakia, and the emergence of privatization, the economy developed to become extremely export focused. These developments also changed the structure of employment across the various sectors and, with it, demand for professions and qualifications: In 1970, 40.6 % of the working population was still employed in industry. By 1995, this had dropped to 32.5 % (von Kopp 1998). Employment rose in construction, finance, tourism, health, and social services, in commerce, in repair work, and in other services. The number of people employed in the private sector rose extraordinarily from just 0.3 % of all employees in 1985 to 31 % in 1992 and 47 % in 1993 to over 57 % in 1995 (von Kopp 1998). By the end of the 1990s, this transformation was by and large completed. All these changes had significant consequences for quantitative and qualitative demand for education and qualification profiles, and this process continued to be influenced by fluctuations in the economic climate. The economy remains strongly dependent on exports and the increasing ties within the finance sector.

12.2 Fundamentals, Organization, and Governance of the Education System

12.2.1 Political, Economic, and Cultural Conditions of the Current Education System

When Czechoslovakia was divided in 1993, the Czechs accounted for 9 % of the population of the new Czech Republic. The Slovaks accounted for another 3 %. The 16 other nationalities listed in the 2001 census (including those with dual nationalities) each accounted for less than 1 %. Although the Roma population is not small, traditionally only few classify themselves as such in a consensus, with most describing themselves as Slovak or Czech. Estimates suggest that this group comprises at least 250,000 people, or around 2.5 % of the total population. Overall numbers of (legal, half-legal, illegal) foreigners living and working in the country is not know; although numbers did grow quickly at times, these tend to be linked to the economic climate. At the end of 2008, around 410,000 non-Czech nationals had registered with their local authorities, roughly 4 % of the total population. The increase in migration has placed corresponding demands on the school system. Conditions required for pupils from migrant families to achieve success in school vary and often hinge on the respective sociocultural background of the families. In schools, it is striking how highly motivated and academically successful children from Vietnamese families are. At university, foreigners account for around 10 % of the student population (Statistická ročenka 2013).

12.2.2 Legal Regulations, Governance, and Funding

The current school system is based on the comprehensive and profound reforms implemented at the beginning of the 1990s, appropriate laws and amendments, and additions, primarily the 2004 Act that had been amended on several occasion up to 2007. In addition, there are new special Acts relating to further education (2006), private schools (1999), educational staff (2007), and higher education (1998).

General responsibility for the education system lies with the Ministry of Education (actually Ministry for Education, Youth, and Sport). Today, one of the main tasks of the Ministry is to develop medium- and long-term “master plans” and to provide general governance over the education system. These plans are based on documents relating to the national budget, regional development, the European educational process, the annual reports of the Czech school inspectorate, and evaluations of the current educational policy and its implementation. Since 1997, the Ministry prepares annual education reports. Today, the Ministry is only directly in charge of some few schools (e.g., school where the language of instruction is not Czech) and some specific facilities such as those for in-service teacher training. Higher education has its own structure of supervision. Under Czech law, higher education facilities (some universities are subject to supervision by specialist ministries) are self-administering autonomous units. In terms of accreditation and evaluation, which it normally does not carry out itself, the Ministry ensures minimum standards for equipment and the quality of teaching and research in higher education. Higher education facilities must acquire additional funds themselves.

Municipalities hold direct competence for primary schools and the regions for secondary schools. The latter are also under the supervision of higher colleges as are special schools, children’s homes, and other public secondary and in some cases postsecondary educational facilities. After 1990, political controls carried out by the former municipal and regional “national committees” and their educational departments that were under the supervision of the Ministry of the Interior were dismantled. The supervision of preschool and primary school facilities was transferred by law to the newly defined school offices at local district (Okres) level. These are independent of general state administration and exercise general supervision over schools maintained by other bodies (municipalities, foundations, private individuals) and partially maintain school facilities themselves. The autonomy of the school means that the headteacher is fully responsible not only for the quality of the educational process but also for the financial management of the school, for the appointment and dismissal of teachers, and for maintaining relations with the municipality and the general public. General supervision of secondary school is the responsibility of newly defined regions (Kraj) set up in 2000, self-administering elected units. These are responsible for all investment and running costs, except for some costs borne by the Ministry.

Funds given as a lump-sum to the regions and municipalities from the national budget are distributed in accordance with a complicated formula that is largely based on pupil numbers, the tier and type of school, and certain costing methods. The breakdown of this “normative” is update annually. Regions compile medium- and long-term educational development plans and education reports. Funds are allocated to private schools including Church schools directly by the Ministry. Once they have met defined criteria, they are normally entitled to 60 % of the respective normative; if certain special educational services are provided, schools may however apply for 100 % funding. In 2001, 4.2 % of GDP was allocated to education; since then, it has hovered at around 4.4–4.5 %. In 2007, 8.3 % of public expenditure on education was allocated to preschools, 31.6 % to primary schools, 21.9 % to secondary schools, 22 % to higher education, and the rest across the remaining educational facilities. Expenditure per pupil brought different results: taking expenditure per primary school pupil as a base (100 %), preschool children received 88 %, grammar school pupils 92 %, vocational college (SOŠ) and polytechnic (VOŠ) students 99 %, vocational pupils (apprentices) (SOU) 131 %, and university students 219 %. These costs have risen very quickly in just a few years – between 2000 and 2005, by 38 % for the preschool sector, 77 % for primary school, 52 % for grammar school, 34 % for SOŠ/VOŠ, 53 % for SOU, and 31 % for higher education (Eurybase 2007/2008; Eurydice-Eurostat 2009). The slowdown in economic growth over the last few years has led to across-the-board attempts to cut costs. One of the conditions for the effective distribution of funds is, however, the systematic supervision of the complicated normative system and the various competences for these funds; all of which is still missing today.

Besides receiving a grant, university students have access to a loan system, which banks more than willing to provide the credit. However, around 20 % of students have debts beyond their regular loans. This figure rose significantly in 2011 and 2012 although the figure is still quite low when compared internationally. On the other hand, students in the Czech Republic often borrow money from parents and relatives.

The school inspectorate plays an important role in the supervision, evaluation, and accreditation of schools. Since 1989, their position and function has been comprehensively reformed. Inspectors are no longer public servants, but employees of the Czech School Inspectorate. The Inspectorate maintains regional offices and is independent both of other national offices as well as of private maintaining bodies. The current situation regarding educational supervision and governance is the result of comprehensive decentralization of general administration and of educational administration and funding. Although there were some decentralized measures in education in the 1990s, most fundamental reforms were pushed through in just 2 years from 2001 to 2003.

12.2.3 Private Sector

There have been private lay and Church schools at all levels since the beginning of the 1990s. In the preschool and primary school sectors, they play, with 1.97 % and 0.5 % of the overall school population, only a minor role. However, just fewer than 15 % of all secondary school pupils attend a private facility and 21 % of students attend a private university (Statistical Yearbook 2013). In the course of the last 10 years, public capacity in the preschool sector has declined, whereas the numbers of half-private and fully private facilities operating in line with state guidelines have increased. The functional differentiation and the social role of private secondary schools and universities have grown significantly in the last 20 years.

12.3 Overview of the Structure of the Education System

12.3.1 Preschool Education

Preschool education has undergone some fundamental methodological and legal changes in the last few decades. An Act of Parliament passed in 1960 divided preschool education into two phases: crèches (jesle), supervised by the Ministry of Health, and the nursery schools (mateřská škola), which are an element of the regular education system. In 1967, detailed programs for both facilities were passed. Programs for crèches were guidelines, while those for nursery schools were binding. By 1976, all preschool facilities, stand-alone and combined crèches and nursery schools, as well as children’s homes and summer camps, were merged less than one joint preschool education administration and new, detailed curricula for crèches and nursery schools passed. However, these were virtually discarded prior to 1989 as too rigid and demanding. Since 2001, new guidelines and framework curricula for nursery schools have been approved, which since then have been described as schools and not, as was the case in the past, as “day care facilities.” New curricula issued in 2005 giving nursery schools the opportunity to elaborate their own educational programs have been implemented since 2007.

Nursery schools take care of children between the ages of 3 and 5 year (in some special cases also 2- and 6-year-olds). Since 1990, special preparatory classes in both nursery and primary schools have been set up for socially disadvantaged children. Since 2005, these classes have mainly been provided in primary schools. Today, crèches are again under the administration of the Ministry of Health and are no longer part of preschool education.

In 2002, the EU approved a declaration in Barcelona according to which early childhood education is to be strengthened with the intention being to accommodate at least 33 % of all young children in crèches by 2010 in all EU member countries. In the former Czechoslovakia, the Communist Party promoted crèche education for ideological and employment reasons, but this rate never exceeded 24 %. After 1990, it fell to around 0.5–2 %. At the beginning of February 2009, the Czech Minister questioned the Barcelona declaration during a meeting of European ministers for employment and social services. However, this was rejected by the majority of ministers, giving rise in the press to a discussion between the different fractions.

Despite this rejection, an initiative of ministers declared in May 2008 that a reaction to the growing demand for child care for professional parents needed to be undertaken, but that the state would prefer to take a backseat. Today, companies are entitled to set up their own nursery facilities and offset operating expenses against tax. These facilities (crèches and nursery schools) are subject to state accreditation with the Ministry appealing to parents to control both educational and hygiene standards. In the last 20 years, the number of crèches and nursery schools has fallen drastically. The reasons for this can be found in the socio-ideological reasons given above for early childhood, but also in the financial restraints on municipalities, which, in times of economic upheaval, did not necessarily prioritize preschool education. In addition, the number of company facilities fell dramatically in the course of the transformation process. In the meantime, it is clear how much the Czech aims have become removed from EU aims with regard to the provision of preschool facilities. Although efforts are being made to improve the provision, and the numbers of facilities and children cared for are actually rising, this is only being achieved with the help of private facilities, most of which are not cheap (on average they cost half a monthly salary). However, demand is still exceeding supply and the number of children without a place in preschool rose from around 13,000 in 2007–2008 to 59,000 in 2012–2013. At present, more and more facilities are being opened, some under makeshift conditions (e.g., in containers). At the same time, the latest birth statistics are predicting a fall in the child population so that there may well be an excess of places once all planned preschool facilities have been built.

12.3.2 Primary Education

The lower part of the 9-year basic school (základní škola) offers conventional primary education. By and large, this phase does contain any specialist lessons and teachers at this level are trained in dedicated programs. The duration of this phase has been changed ten times in the last decade from 5 to 4 years and back again. Since 1995, it covers 5 years. In 2004, principles for a new two-phase curriculum development were agreed. In 2005, the Ministry approved a national framework curriculum for primary schools and decided that schools should fill this framework with their own curricula up until 2007–2008. The fundamental educational principles behind the new curricula primarily include stimulating creative thinking, developing awareness for problems, cooperative skills, a free-thinking personality, and key competences (Eurybase 2007/2008).

12.3.3 Lower Level of Secondary Education

The 9 years of compulsory schooling can be extended by a voluntary year. This is undertaken either in the 4-year upper phase of the basic school (druhý stupeň základní školy), in the lower phase of the grammar school, or in some cases the lower phase of the conservatory. Since 2004, the number of lessons in the upper phase of basic education has been increased to achieve a degree of equality with the lower phase of the 8-year grammar school. The Education Act of 2005 strengthened the opportunities for schools to establish their own profiles on the basis of the framework curriculum. To mark the successful completion of basic education, pupils are awarded a school-leaving certificate and a school report. If the pupil is not successful, appropriate years have to be completed until the end of compulsory schooling. Less than 1 % of pupils have to repeat a year. The basic school offers additional courses for pupils to attain their basic school education at a second chance. The proportion of young people (including pupils at special schools) who do not attend an upper secondary school after compulsory schooling has fallen in recent years from 6–8 % to 3.5 % (Eurybase 2007/2008). As early as 2002, the number of early school leavers for the Czech Republic stood well below the EU average of 18.5 %. Together with Slovenia and Slovakia, the country held one of the top places.

A special form of lower secondary education with a long tradition is the around 720 basic school type of facilities with extended specialist lessons in some subjects (mathematics, languages, sport, music, art, IT, and others). Another special form of educational facility is the basic school with an arts focus; overall, there are 476 such facilities. These are an accepted component of the school system and offer programs for around 230,000 pupils in a variety of artistic directions to complement, and in coordination with, the regular school (Eurybase 2007/2008). These facilities are primarily intended for basic school pupils, but are also open for secondary school pupils and adults. The arts-focused basic school can lay the foundation for later attendance at a conservatory or arts college, although this is not a prerequisite. A pilot project is currently developing plans for lessons at an arts-focused basic school along the lines of the general framework curriculum which will further integrate the facility in the overall school system. Generally, there are ongoing discussions about updating the curricula, with a variety of groups in favor of having indispensable content within the canon of the school.

There are also a number of extracurricular facilities at schools – school clubs, canteens, guidance officers, etc. – that are components of the school system. The majority of basic school pupils and half of the secondary school pupils eat lunch at school.

12.3.4 Transition to Upper Secondary School

When pupils complete Year 9 of basic education, they have the chance to continue to the upper secondary school and follow a program leading to a final examination (maturita) which entitles pupils to study at university. In recent years, this process has contained two to three application steps. In some cases, both the certificate from the basic school and the examination held at the school applied were used to decide on admission. Because of the unevenness of school-leaving certificates from the basic school, this process has changed somewhat. The relationship between supply and demand, specifically between school short on applicants and those that are highly competitive and highly selective, varies by locality, prestige, profile, and the changing sizes of birth cohorts. This has also been the case for vocational secondary education. At the end of the last century, around 80 % of pupils were accepted to the 4-year grammar school of their first choice.

Fluctuation in birth rates, inconsistent education planning, and other factors have always led to volatility in applications to upper secondary schools and higher education. Recently, pupils in low-birth years are now attending upper secondary school. As school funding is mainly based on pupil numbers, the lack of prospective pupils is a veritable risk and may well threaten the very existence of some exposed private schools. In this situation, many upper secondary schools are trying to acquire applicants by offering special programs such as foreign languages, IT, sport, and management, for example. In spring 2013, headteachers of many pupils were telephoning parents promoting their schools and ensuring a place at the school without pupils having to take part in the standard second round of application. One quarter of grammar schools and half of the other secondary schools offered a place without pupils have to take an admission examination. The situation is quite different in the preschool sector and a future rush on secondary schools is to be expected.

12.3.5 Upper Level of Secondary Education

The previous main forms of school at the upper level of secondary education that either offered maturita certificates or not have been now formally defined in the Education Act of 2005 as a comprehensive type of school. Although the traditional names have been retained, the new law means that each school can offer any secondary school program. Thus, despite the nomenclature, today’s system is seen as a flexible, output-oriented education and training system based on school-based self-determination. In the dual system of apprentice training, in-company practical work complements the theoretical part. Secondary school provides the following programs:

  • School-based and vocational 2- or 3-year training programs in secondary vocational schools, in a dual or sandwich education system for less demanding professions with or without a vocational proficiency certificate.

  • School-based and vocational education with a vocational proficiency certificate in 2-year, but mainly 3-year training programs in secondary vocational schools.

  • A 2-year advanced course enables pupils to acquire a vocational proficiency certificate; graduates of the 3-year programs can subsequently acquire the maturita in a follow-up course. The vocational proficiency certificate and the maturita can be acquired in a 4-year program; under law, all apprentices are regarded as pupils.

  • Full-time, school-based programs leading to a double qualification with maturita and vocational qualifications are the traditional domain of the technical secondary school. These can be found in 26 vocational groups (industry, commerce, health, handicrafts, industrial professions, etc.).

  • The general education grammar school, either in its 8-year long form or as a stand-alone 4-year upper secondary school following on from basic education, has differentiated its educational programs and about 15 % of maturita holders finish school with a specialist maturity in foreign languages, natural sciences, or humanities.

12.3.6 Other School Forms, Advanced Training Programs

A special form of vocational education is offered in “conservatories” in 6-year o 8-year programs in music, dance, theater, and song. The dance program begins in the lower level of secondary education (Year 6); the other programs begin upon completion of basic education. Programs end with a certificate at secondary or postsecondary level, enabling pupils to study the subject at university. The certificate can also be combined with a general education maturita. Most secondary school qualifications, either general education or vocational, can be acquired or extended in second-chance programs. In addition, there is a well-established system of part-time and full-time second-chance programs. Secondary schools also offer other higher and specialist programs both in general and vocational tracks.

12.3.7 School-Leaving Certificate

Since the political reform of 1989–1990, discussions have been held on reforming the school-leaving examination, the maturita. Initially, a maturita organized on an individual school basis was favored – as a contrast to the previous state-controlled central maturita – and this was widely implemented. However, as this also made the maturita arbitrary and comparisons difficult, decisions were taken to reform the whole system. Although the Ministry of Education was to be responsible for the reform, the plurality, and a certain degree of comparability and standardization, it did not carry out the reform itself. Instead, it commissioned private companies to organize the project. The project, which was delayed again and again, cost over one billion Czech crowns ($400,000) and was partly subsidized from EU funds. The whole issue of a new central maturita, including planning and trials, spanned a total of 14 years and was only implemented nationwide in 2011 – in two varieties: a more demanding and a “lighter” version. Today, the future of this new state maturita is uncertain. Since its introduction, around 20 % of pupils each year do not pass the maturita.

12.3.8 Special Education Schools

In principle, children and young people with mental and social handicaps are included as much as possible in the regular education system. There are three main forms, each requiring the consent of the parents: (1) individual integration in classes or groups within regular school, with a guarantee that schools have adequate materials and teachers with special pedagogical training and psychological care to manage such integrative education, (2) integration in a special class or group for disadvantaged children and young people within regular school, and (3) special schools for children with severe physical handicaps who need special facilities and care.

After completing basic education, it is also possible for special needs young people to carry out a 1–2-year vocational program at a “practical school” (praktická škola). However, this does not lead to a certificate of vocational proficiency. The physically handicapped have the possibility of furthering their education either in regular secondary schools or in some special general education or vocational facilities.

12.3.9 Postsecondary and Tertiary Education

Higher technical schools (vyšší odborná škola/VOŠ) were introduced in 1992. Most of them are private facilities. Initially, programs were not conducted on their own premises but in vocational secondary schools; and their own actual status was not clear. This was clarified in 1995 and in 2004 framework regulations standardized (e.g., a uniform duration for programs of 3 years). Since then the VOŠ have been regarded as a fixed component of tertiary education, while at the same time described as “postsecondary facilities” (Eurybase 2007/2008). Higher technical education is still largely provided in the form of special courses in vocational secondary schools, but there are also some dedicated schools. The trend is towards greater integration in the postsecondary sector.

Colleges of higher education and universities (vysoká škola, Univerzita) offer 2–3-year bachelor programs, 4-year (sometimes 5–6-year) master programs, and doctorate courses. Currently, 41.8 % of students are studying for their bachelor’s degree, while 30.6 % and 3.1 % are attending master’s and doctorate programs, respectively. The traditional, highly selective nature of higher education was largely retained up until the end of the 1990s. This is best illustrated by the philosophy faculty at the Charles University in Prague, where in 1991, 6,000 students applied for one of the 600 places available. In the meantime, there has been a considerable expansion of student numbers. The proportion of 22-year-olds studying at the university rose from 26 % in 2004 to 34 % in 2008. Admission obstacles to individual universities vary enormously and are significantly higher in public facilities than in private institutions. In 2007, only 67 % of applicants found a place at university compared to 93 % of applicants to private universities (Eurybase 2007/2008).

12.3.10 Transition to University

The transition rate to university (ISCED A5) in 2000 (25 %) was the second lowest of the 25 OECD states who provided information for the study. The Czech Republic found itself slightly ahead of Turkey (21 %) and behind Switzerland (29 %). Meanwhile, according to the same source, the country has overtaken a range of European countries and is comfortably mid-table with a transition rate of 54 % posted for 2010 (Education at a Glance 2010, 2013). This exemplifies the huge expansion that has taken place in just a few years. Whereas in 2002, the country had 35 universities, in 2007 it had 70. This doubling is also attributable to the growing number of private facilities, which, however, only accept few students. The biggest increase in student numbers is largely manifested at public universities.

A general trend can be seen in both the horizontal and vertical diversification in higher education. Because universities enjoy far-reaching autonomy over admission, the strategies they employ range from trying to establish themselves as an elite (specialist) institution, only accepting candidates from specific schools or with high average grades, to accepting as many applicants as possible. Universities often also react to the changing annual nature of demand for places.

The selection process differs not only between individual universities but also between disciplines. For the academic year 2013–2014, the following acceptance rates (in relation to applicants) have been recorded: medicine II, 15.3 % (Prague); law, 24.7 % (Prague) and 40.5 % (Pilsen); philosophy, 27.3 % (Prague), 55.9 % (Brno), and 94.1 % (Ústí na Labem); natural sciences, 65.6 % (Prague); and education, 33.2 % (Prague) and 52.3 (Brno). In some faculties, admission rates have fallen dramatically in the last 5 years (e.g., medicine in Prague), while in others it has risen (e.g., philosophy in Ústí nad Labem). The situation is highly diversified and permits only few generalizations – such as that the more traditional, renowned universities are more selective (with the exception of certain disciplines such as theology) than younger, less well-developed universities and faculties. Moreover, admission rates in engineering and some other applied industrial technologies are usually high.

12.3.11 Higher Education Qualifications

Czech higher education titles are a somewhat complicated affair. It is difficult to form an overall picture: older titles from a variety of phases in Czech history continue to be used in addition to the newer titles. Recent decades have borne witness to numerous changes, new titles, and changes in the requirements for awarding present titles. As the various faculties award their own titles for the respective faculty, there are currently 23 titles, including bachelor, master, engineer, and PhD. In fact there are seven different doctoral degrees. The older “socialist” titles “Candidate of Science” (CSc.) and “Doctor of Science” (Dr. Sc.) correspond largely to an internationally comparable doctorate; however, the Dr. Sc. doctorate from the Academy of Sciences ranks higher than the CSc. A new doctorate – PhDr. – was added, which until about 1980 was usually awarded upon completion of a special thesis and an oral examination. In some cases in the past, this “small doctorate” as it was also known was awarded to persons who, for political reasons, were denied access to the CSc. and the Dr.Sc. However, from roughly the beginning of the 1980s, the title was awarded simply depending on the institution and faculty for the completion of a university program or when completion was graded as “excellent.” Thus, the PhDr. cannot, at least when awarded without regard to specific examination conditions, be compared with the internationally recognized PhD.

12.3.12 University Graduates and Employment

In 2008, graduate unemployment was relatively low, standing a 3.9 %. Since the financial and economic crisis, this has risen to 7.1 %. This is still in the lower part of the scale and nearly in line with the EU average, standing between the extremes of Greece (39.4 %) and Spain (25.3 %) on the one hand and the Netherlands (1 %) on the other. However, the figure is not significantly below the overall employment rate which stood at 8.6 % in January 2014 (for Prague). Today, only recent graduates have greater opportunities when compared to the overall group of all graduates. While the unemployment rate for fresh graduates in 2009 stood at 3.7 %, it had risen just slightly by 2012 to 4.2 %. As may be expected, differences also arise from faculty to faculty. Generally, graduates from more central, traditional universities enjoy better opportunities than the average.

12.3.13 Teacher Training

A decree passed in October 1945 stipulated that teacher training for all types and tiers of school should take place in education and other university faculties. In 1946, legislation established educational faculties at university, thus demonstrating the significance of academic teacher training. However, following the Communist overthrow, teacher training at primary level was initially transferred to newly created educational grammar schools, and in 1953, education faculties at universities were dissolved. They were replaced by higher educational schools, later called institutes. Only since the early 1960s has teacher training returned to the higher education sector, as originally envisaged by the 1946 Act. Today, training teachers at the primary level of basic education follow a 4-year program of study at an education faculty. Teachers of general education subjects at secondary school usually specialize in two subject in a 5-year program leading to the award of a master’s degree. Education faculties comprise disciplines such as education, philosophy, natural sciences, mathematics, physics, and sport. Some education faculties allow students to study just one discipline (especially foreign languages). Teachers of theoretical subjects at vocational secondary schools study their specialism at universities (economics, technology, agriculture, medicine, art). Generally, teaching qualifications can be acquired in addition to a specialism or subsequently in special courses at university.

12.3.14 Pupil Achievement in the PISA Studies

In the 2000 PISA study, the Czech Republic’s mean score in reading skills and mathematics ranked it 20th, below the average of all participating countries. Even the top-performing group in the upper quintile was small and below average. In contrast, the country was ranked 11th, a significantly better position, in tests of natural sciences. However, in the 2006 PISA study, the Czech Republic had fallen to 15th in natural sciences. Its positioning in mathematics also fell between 2002 and 2006, and by 2013, it was ranked 23rd (OECD PISA Studies). The continuous fall of the country’s ranking in natural sciences, now 32nd, is particularly striking. This is noteworthy not least because in mathematics and natural sciences the country had traditionally performed well to very well (Vári 1997; Roth 2006).

Although these ranking systems are not directly comparable for a number of reasons and despite the various criticisms lodged at PISA, it is at least symptomatic that many countries cannot keep up with the competition in the upper level of high performers and that some newcomers are capable of climbing the ladder, while other countries either stagnate or fall back. The degree to which PISA results are a reflection of educational quality is open to debate. No matter how differentiated analyses of the PISA results may be, they are still limited and normative constructs. Although they may increasingly expand the number and sophistication of items and calculation theories, they still blend out international, intersocial, intersystem, and intercultural factors and may in fact run counter to them.

12.4 Developments in the Current School System

12.4.1 Educational Diversity

The various types of private schools that have emerged since the beginning of the 1990 are central to generating and securing educational diversity, although they are inconsistent in terms of quality and, in part, fulfill a variety of functions. In addition to regular attendance at school, there are also home lessons (domácí škola), supervised by two Christian schools, the Protestant school J.A. Komenský in Liberec and the School of the Bohemian Brothers (bratrská škola) in Brno. These assess pupils’ knowledge twice a year in oral and written tests, provide parents and children assistance in educational matters and learning methods, and enable them to participate in extracurricular activities at school.

In the regular school system, there is a range of, partly experimental, variety in education, with diverse emphases. Around 90 (as per 2005) basic education schools are working as “health-promoting” schools as part of an EU project, for example. In 1996, the Ministry accredited Waldorf school programs, and in 1998, Montessori programs at selected public schools. Although this special accreditation has since expired, schools are still entitled to deploy elements of Waldorf and Montessori methodology. A few schools are also working within the framework of the general national curriculum in line with elements of the Jena or the Dalton plans.

A central feature of recent reforms has been the comprehensive change in the principles, the content, and the form of lessons. The core of this reform has been the elaboration of a new framework curriculum where individual schools can set the own specification and focal points. The schools are required to compile their own education program, describing their various characteristics, their educational and contextual focus, their specific curricular variations on the national curriculum, the principles of assessing pupils, and the results and consequences of self-evaluation. Some of the details of the curriculum include a description of the teaching staff, especially with respect to their qualifications; the school’s long-term projects concerning national and international partnerships, for example; the overall collaborative work with parents and the school’s immediate public; educational goals; special measures to develop key skills in pupils; syllabi and timetables including other specified details with reference to the national curriculum; the assessment of pupil performance; and the principles, methods criteria, and aims of self-evaluation.

Headteachers at primary and lower secondary level have to ensure that children are cared for while attending the school. Normally, this also includes providing an educational advisor and a teacher for preventative education who can work together with the class tutor. Care can also be provided by a school psychologist or a special needs teacher. Educational advice may cover preventing truancy, supporting specially gifted children, drawing up and implementing measures to counter undesirable social behavior (drugs, violence, bullying, etc.), further education and vocational opportunities (since 2002, career guidance is an obligatory element of basic education), and integrating handicapped children at school. Where applicable, the school may work together with external educational and psychological advisory services and with the Centre for Special Needs Education.

12.5 New Developments

12.5.1 Liberalization Versus Governance

The principles of the Czech education system largely approximates to that of other EU countries. This is due in part to the dynamics of EU educational policy, in part also the ideology of global liberalization. Both of these have resulted in a simultaneous mixture of homogenization on the one hand and a vehement diversification of educational models, school-based profiles and organizations, performance differences between schools, and educational behavior of the various social classes on the other. Today, there are glaring differences in regional performance in school-leaving, maturita, examinations. Surprisingly, these differences do not follow any consistent social and regional pattern, at least not identified empirically, for example, and town/country pattern. The best foreign language results, for instance, are not found where one might expect to find them, in the towns and cities, but in some small towns and rural areas.

The private school and higher education sectors are also highly diversified. Maintaining bodies of all types of non-state schools including vocational secondary schools and academies include private individuals, foundations, large business enterprises, and religious communities. Prague and other larger cities accommodate a range of school where English, German, French, and other languages are the language of instruction. They are usually also open to Czech children. Some schools, especially vocational schools, are dedicated to a more international clientèle. Key players in the private academy and university sector come from the USA, the UK, and Germany. The quality of these private educational facilities varies. Some universities offer programs, also continuous training programs for professionals, in business and management, targeting aspiring managers. Some private upper secondary schools are ranked in upper mid-table, a few others at the top. However, state grammar schools head league tables of schools. In 2011, when the new central school-leaving certificate, the státní maturita, was introduced, the grammar school (Prvné obnovené reálné gymnasium, PORG, founded in 1990) clearly headed the league table of grammar schools. The Archbishop Gymnasium in Prague and the Cyrill-and-Methodej-Gymnasium in Brno were also among the top-ten schools. There was only one private school (ranked fifth) among the top-ten vocational grammar schools (SOŠ) based on final results. At the top of this group was the public Waldorf Lyceum, maintained by the City of Prague, but which follows Waldorf school principles (novinky.cz 23 June 2011). The prominent private grammar school PORG, mentioned above – with its headteacher Václav Klaus Jr., the son of the former President of the Czech Republic – recently hit the headlines, when a dispute arose between Klaus and the school’s most important donor, one of the country’s new industrial tycoons concerning their different educational (and also political) views. A fundamental difference related to the respective emphasis afforded to academic knowledge on the one hand and a stronger emphasis on communicative and social skills on the other hand, a contrast that was reflected in various opinions regarding pupil admission and the selection of teaching staff. At times, it was speculated that Klaus would take over a younger competitive school financed by another business tycoon and the country’s richest man, Petr Kellner. The backgrounds of top private and Church schools show that, although ambitious funding and special commitment are not the only criteria, they are crucial to achieving and defending this position. On the other hand, these institutions could be susceptible to the personal ambition, animosity, disputes, and competition among maintaining parties than state schools.

In terms of educational policy, the last decade has been characterized by a myriad of new, detailed provisions. The urgency regarding some “key issues” called for in discussions among educationalists is, however, in marked contrast to the reforms actually implemented. A number of larger projects have fizzled out or were lost in the maelstrom of politically “more important” events, a reflection of the weak position of education in real politics. But without doubt, the educational policy in the last 20 years has manifested significant problems with evidence of neglect, in addition to its positive developments. The liberalization of Conservative politics has not only delivered diversification, a commitment to education, and courage to experiment in schools, but it is also partly responsible for the chaotic developments and the lack of planning. Traditionally, the Social Democratic Party, which took over the Ministry of Education following the recent change of government, tends to adopt greater centralization and state control and occasionally has plans that can hardly be funded. Although election campaigns are full of pledges from all parties prioritizing education and schooling, again, however, coalition negotiations conducted at the end of 2013 that describe the tasks of the new governments, in contrast to all other departments, only issued a non-binding declaration to offer “comprehensive support for education.” Above all, the “large” and expensive reform of the maturita languished; and it is not clear whether the reform of the central maturita will continue or not.

In the meantime, the new minister has a least established vocal presence, calling his preliminary main points a reorientation: eliminating the previous “chaos and volatility of proposals and measures”; a new state commitment to renewing the expansion of the preschool system; the systematic management of funds at regional and municipal level, also with respect to the labor market; renewing support for an obligatory core to the maturita examination (e.g., a mandatory examination in mathematics); introducing a systematic career development plan for teachers; and, interestingly, expressing an intention to introduce a compulsory third lesson per week for sports.

12.5.2 The Situation Regarding the Roma

A particular challenge for the education system is the situation regarding the Roma population. Today, this is made up mainly of various waves of migration that have taken place since World War II. The indigenous Sinti population was nearly fully decimated under Nazi occupation. In 2007, the Czech Republic was criticized by the European Court of Law for practicing “indirect discrimination” by placing a disproportionate number of Roma children in special schools. Despite this, a recent study has revealed that today, still around 35 % of special needs pupils are Roma children (Rameš 2013). On the other hand, for decades, the various regimes and governments have constantly been discussing how best to offer schooling to the Roma population, an undertaking that is by no means easy. As early as 1960, about two-thirds of the Roma population were attending school, the majority of which however without completing the regular basic education up to Year 9. Some Roma even then attended secondary school and university. By 1970, 10 years later, the proportion of Roma attending school had risen to just below 90 %. In the meantime, general school attendance has become a normal aspect of life for Roma children, even if this is partially coupled with truancy and attendance in special schools. A recent report published by the EU Commission covering 11 EU countries highlighted the Czech Republic as the country with the highest level of education among the Roma population. At 40 %, even participation on the labor market is relatively high, compared with the 10–20 % found for other countries. The proportion of Roma with a secondary school education amounts to 30 %, compared to an EU average of 15 % (Pilař 2013).