Introduction

It is well established that neighborhood characteristics impact mental health (Haines et al. 2011; Hill and Maimon 2013; Ross 2000; Ross and Mirowsky 2009). Among black Americans in particular, poor neighborhood conditions are associated with heightened stress levels and poor mental health (Alegría et al. 2014; Echeverría et al. 2008; Gary et al. 2007; Hastings and Snowden 2019; Simning et al. 2012). However, scholarly work in this area has primarily focused on neighborhood deprivation and neighborhood stressors as determinants of health while relatively less work has addressed the mental health implications of neighborhood interactions and social participation (Alegría et al. 2014; Molina et al. 2012; Simning et al. 2012). Nonetheless, neighborhoods-health research focusing exclusively on socioeconomic and stress-related aspects of neighborhoods neglects health-protective psychosocial resources within neighborhoods that potentially serve as key intervention areas (Echeverría et al. 2008; Hong et al. 2014; Mair et al. 2010). Neighborhood-level social interactions and social participation can positively impact psychological well-being. In particular, engaging in positive social interactions with neighbors and participation in neighborhood organizations can increase access to resources and social support, both of which are associated with positive mental health (Kim and Ross 2009).

The small literature examining the association between neighborhood social interactions and psychological well-being among black Americans yields mixed findings (Echeverría et al. 2008; Gary et al. 2007; Taylor et al. 2001; Thomas and Holmes 1992). We bring clarity to this research area through the use of a nationally representative sample of black adults. Given that the majority of neighborhood-mental health studies focus on depressive symptomatology, this study also includes life satisfaction as a subjective measure of well-being. While depressive symptomatology captures relatively recent experiences of psychological distress, life satisfaction reflects a more stable and reflective evaluation of the individual’s overall life experience (Ellison et al. 2001; George 1981).

Furthermore, though recent health studies have highlighted ethnic diversity among black Americans (Erving 2018; Ida and Christie-Mizell 2012; Hamilton and Hummer 2011; Williams et al. 2007), few neighborhood-health studies have done so. There are three reasons why this lack of attention to ethnic diversity is critical to address. First, there has been a steady increase in the black immigrant population. Although the black population (14% of the U.S. population; Rastogi et al. 2011) is primarily native, 10% are immigrants from the Caribbean and Africa (Anderson and López 2018). Afro-Caribbeans account for the majority of black immigrants residing in the U.S. In 2008, there were 1.7 million Caribbean black immigrants living in the U.S. (Thomas 2012). In addition, the Caribbean black immigrant population comprises over 25% of the black population in large metropolitan areas such as New York City, Boston, and Miami/Ft. Lauderdale (Logan 2007). This growing diversity in the black population necessitates a more nuanced understanding of how the association between neighborhood characteristics and mental health varies by ethnicity. Second, for black Americans, mental health varies by ethnicity. For example, African Americans experience higher rates of certain mental health problems (e.g., alcohol use disorder, social anxiety disorder) relative to Caribbean blacks (Gibbs et al. 2013). Third, a growing literature suggests variation in important neighborhood characteristics between African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans. While the neighborhoods in which African Americans reside are characterized as resource-poor and starved of social capital, the ethnic enclaves in which Afro-Caribbeans reside are described as resource-rich and ripe with social capital (Audebert 2009; Ebaugh and Curry 2000; Hall 2013). In addition, even when black immigrants and native blacks live in the same neighborhoods, their perceptions of and experiences within the neighborhood may vary because of their different orientations to the American social milieu. Given these three reasons, it is imperative to examine how ethnicity conditions the association between neighborhood social integration and mental health. In this study, we use the term “neighborhood social integration” to refer to the extent to which individuals interact with others in the neighborhood context both informally (e.g., via contact with neighbors) and formally (e.g., through participation in organizations). We view these neighborhood social interactions as an exemplar of context-specific social integration. Specifically, this study addresses the following research concerns: First, what is the association between neighborhood social integration and psychological well-being for African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans? Secondarily, to more stringently test the robustness of the effect of neighborhood social integration on psychological well-being, we assess whether this association persists after adjusting for other perceived neighborhood characteristics and other sources of social integration.

Literature Review

Broadly, social integration refers to the organization of social ties, and is often measured by the number of relationships and the frequency of contact an individual has with network members (Thoits 1995).Footnote 1 Prior research has shown that the presence of familial and friendship social ties are positively associated with mental health (Berkman et al. 2000; Thoits 1995, 2011; Turner and Turner 2013). Despite an extensive literature confirming the salubrious effects of social integration (Berkman et al. 2000; Thoits 1995, 2011), far less work in the social support-health research tradition has considered the neighborhood as a socio-spatial cite through which various forms of social support might emerge. We submit that the inclusion of neighborhood-specific social integration in this body of work could further elucidate the relative impact of domain-specific social ties on psychological well-being.

The Neighborhood as Context-Specific Social Integration

Neighborhood-specific social integration refers to a person’s sense of belonging or attachment to the community in which they reside (Adams and Serpe 2000; Milburn and Bowman 1991). Accordingly, a consideration of neighborhood social integration can capture the extent to which individuals socially engage with their neighbors, and the degree to which they feel personally invested in their communities. Interpersonal contact with neighbors in particular reflects the degree to which individuals are embedded in neighborhood-based networks (Carpiano 2006; Carpiano and Kimbro 2012). We contend that contact with neighbors serves as a conduit through which social capital flows. Social capital refers to “actual or potential resources that inhere within social networks or groups for personal benefit” (Carpiano 2006, p. 166). Because of their physical proximity, neighbors can be potentially called upon to assist with tasks requiring knowledge of the spatial area (Taylor et al. 2001; Cantor 1979). For example, through interactions with neighbors, individuals may receive information about neighborhood resources (e.g., educational programs for youth; job opportunities; health clinics) that they can leverage for personal gain or the benefit of others in their household. In addition, compared to friends and relatives who may not be in the immediate vicinity, neighbors are uniquely suited to assist in the event of a crisis situation such as emergency first aid or help with more mundane tasks such as the provision of childcare (Messeri et al. 1993; Taylor et al. 2001).

In addition to interpersonal contact with neighbors, we also assess whether individuals are involved in a formalized neighborhood structure: neighborhood organizations and social clubs. Such organizations provide opportunity structures to form and maintain both strong and weak ties (Haines et al. 2011). Neighborhood organizations could also serve as residents’ formally organized collective activity for addressing neighborhood issues (Carpiano 2006; Carpiano and Kimbro 2012; Tran et al. 2013). In the context of urban poor neighborhoods, not participating in well-connected neighborhood institutions could preclude residents from accessing crucial resources such as healthcare and counseling resources (Small 2006). Thus, participation in neighborhood organizations could improve the overall quality of life of participants by bringing attention to the pressing needs of the neighborhood and providing a social outlet to combat social isolation among neighborhood residents (Carpiano 2006; Milburn and Bowman 1991). Furthermore, neighborhood participation is often considered a key component of social capital that can be leveraged to maintain positive mental health (Carpiano 2006, 2007; Carpiano and Kimbro 2012).

Black Americans in U.S. Neighborhoods

The neighborhood context is a critical socio-spatial cite of investigation due in large degree to the unique history of black Americans in the U.S. Intense racial residential segregation has been a component of the black experience in America since World War I (Seitles 1998). Present-day black–white residential segregation persists, with evidence that blacks are as hyper-segregated as they were during the Great Migration (Massey and Denton 1989; Patillo-McCoy 1999; Polednak 1993). In fact, blacks are described as a “historically distinct case” (Massey 1985, 2001; Parisi et al. 2011; Williams and Collins 2001), as most African Americans live in majority-black neighborhoods in cities and suburbs (Hall 2013; Massey and Denton 1989, 1993). In general, blacks remain geographically isolated from whites despite systematic gains in socioeconomic status (Massey and Denton 1989; Massey and Tannen 2015) or the desire by black homeowners to reside in integrated neighborhoods (Charles 2000; Crowder 2000).

Despite continual residential segregation, diversity has increased in black neighborhoods with black immigrants representing the new residents of these spaces (Baffour and Boate 2006; Freeman 2002; Hall 2013). However, immigrants remain separated, often living in ethnic enclaves located on the periphery of historically African American neighborhoods (Crowder 1999; Logan 2007). In stark contrast to how majority black neighborhoods are characterized, ethnic enclaves are described as cohesive and vibrant havens where new immigrants are reunified with relatives and friends, cultural traditions are encouraged and practiced, information is exchanged about amenities (e.g., housing, jobs, rotating credit clubs), and racial hostility is minimized (Ebaugh and Curry 2000; Waters 1999). Many of these activities engender a strong sense of trust in neighbors resulting in a repository of “bonding” and “bridging” capital (Kunitz 2004). Bonding capital refers to networks of individuals who share similar identities, including social status and/or race/ethnicity while bridging capital accrues as individuals form network ties with those outside of any particular identity line (Fujiwara and Kawachi 2008). Such capital potentially serves as access points for group resources that emanate from the ethnic enclave. Even though ethnic enclaves (or immigrant neighborhoods) are in close geographic proximity to historically black neighborhoods (Hall 2013), African Americans may not have access to these forms of social capital. Relatedly, Small and McDermott (2006) showed that across 331 metropolitan areas in the U.S., as the proportion of blacks in a neighborhood increased, the number of establishments (e.g., grocery stores, pharmacies, banks, credit unions, childcare facilities, restaurants, laundromats) decreased. The same study showed that as the proportion of foreign-born of a neighborhood increased, the number of the same establishments increased. This set of findings reflect governmental disinvestment in majority black neighborhoods, and consistent economic activity in ethnic enclaves driven by governmental incentives (e.g., grants encouraging entrepreneurial activity in such areas) (Small and McDermott 2006). Thus, the impact of traditional support resources for many black immigrants may be dependent on the different opportunities and resources that come from their unique separation from African Americans (Audebert 2009; Baptiste et al. 1997; Ebaugh and Curry 2000). As a result, some areas of cities and suburbs are starved of social capital whereas ethnic enclaves appear ripe with social capital. In addition, even when black immigrants and native blacks live in the same neighborhoods, their perceptions of and experiences within the neighborhood may vary. In sum, we anticipate ethnic differences in neighborhood social interactions and participation in neighborhood-based organizations:

Hypothesis 1

Afro-Caribbeans will report higher levels of neighborhood social integration compared to African Americans.

Neighborhood Social Integration and Mental Health Among Black Americans

While prior research has emphasized the significance of neighborhood social integration in the lives of black Americans (e.g., Milburn and Bowman 1991), literature on the association between neighborhood social integration and mental health among black Americans is scant. In general, frequent contact with neighbors is associated with positive mental health (Kim and Ross 2009; Taylor et al. 2001; Thomas and Holmes 1992). Positive social interactions with neighbors can foster social cohesion and provide meaningful connections, mutual respect, increased sense of purpose, and positive meaning in life; as a result, these psychosocial resources can contribute to positive mental health (Echeverría et al. 2008; Kawachi and Berkman 2000).

Of the studies that examine the association between neighborhood social interactions and psychological well-being for blacks, findings are mixed. Contact with and positive perceptions of neighbors have been associated with greater subjective well-being among black Americans (Taylor et al. 2001; Thomas and Holmes 1992). Echeverría et al. (2008) found that perceived neighborhood social cohesion was associated with fewer depressive symptoms among African Americans in six communities in the U.S. Gary et al. (2007), however, found no significant association between social cohesion and mental health (i.e., anxiety, stress, and depressive symptoms) among blacks in a sample of Baltimore residents. These mixed findings are likely attributable to differences in the geographical locale and age distribution of the samples, as well as differences in the operationalization of both psychological well-being and neighborhood-level social interactions across the studies. Furthermore, while the social cohesion measures in the two prior studies (Echeverría et al. 2008; Gary et al. 2007) are useful for understanding the perceived social dynamics within neighborhoods, these studies did not assess the extent to which individuals participate in neighborhood activities or organizations.

Participation in neighborhood organizations could affect the psychological well-being of black Americans in particular, as community level organizations have historically played a crucial role in advocating for the basic civil rights of blacks in the U.S. (Morris 1984). In reference to its significance for black Americans, Milburn and Bowman (1991) note that participation in neighborhood organizations “may be not only an important source of psychological well-being but also a critical instrument for community empowerment and a major sociopolitical resource in the national struggle against racial inequalities, drugs, and crime” (p. 43). More recently, such organizations have spearheaded efforts to decrease crime and drugs in highly segregated inner cities (Marwell 2007) and provided essential resources to newly arrived immigrants (de Graauw et al. 2013). Active participation in neighborhood activities may offer a welcome respite for black Americans in general who are often adjusting to racially hostile environments and for Afro-Caribbeans in particular who are adjusting to social environments that substantially differ from their countries of origin. One study showed that, on average, blacks participated in voluntary associations more so than their white, Latinx, and Asian counterparts (Stoll 2001). However, these studies did not disaggregate the “black” category by ethnicity. Thus, it remains unclear if there are ethnic differences in neighborhood organization participation rates among black Americans.

Ethnicity, Neighborhood Social Integration, and Mental Health

Though research generally suggests a positive association between neighborhood social integration and mental health, to our knowledge, the extant literature has not empirically tested whether this association operates similarly for African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans. Below, we consider research from the social integration-health and neighborhoods-health literatures to implicate the potential role of ethnicity in understanding the neighborhood social integration-mental health association.

On one hand, the neighborhood social integration-mental health association could operate similarly for African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans. This similarity is reflected in the small, but growing, body of work focused on how various sources of social integration (i.e., family, friends, church) affect the psychological health of ethnically diverse blacks. This literature shows that (1) African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans report similar levels of both church- (Chatters et al. 2009) and friendship- (Levine et al. 2015; Taylor et al. 2015) based social integration, and that (2) church-specific social integration is positively associated with mental health among both groups (Assari 2013; Himle et al. 2012; Taylor et al. 2013). Thus, it is plausible that neighborhood social integration will positively impact the psychological well-being of both ethnic groups.

Hypothesis 2

There will be a positive association between neighborhood social integration and psychological well-being for both African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans.

On the other hand, other research demonstrates that the association between social integration and mental health is conditioned by both ethnicity as well as the source and context of social integration. First, there are nuances in the ethnic patterning of family- and friendship-based social integration, and their association with mental health. Relative to African Americans, Afro-Caribbeans have less contact with family (Taylor et al. 2015). However, one study showed that contact with family was associated with fewer depressive symptoms for Afro-Caribbeans, but not for African Americans (Taylor et al. 2015). Given the geographic dispersion characteristic of Afro-Caribbean families (Bashi 2007), it is perhaps not surprising that Afro-Caribbeans have less contact with family members, yet this crucial source of contact was associated with improved mental health. To compensate for potential deficits in family-specific social integration, Afro-Caribbeans may rely more heavily on friends and neighbors for social support. Therefore, as a result of their greater reliance on non-familial relationships, there may be a positive association between contact with neighbors and psychological well-being for Afro-Caribbeans in particular.

Second, despite similarity in church attendance frequency, African Americans are more likely to be official members of their church and to engage in church activities (e.g., singing in the choir) (Chatters et al. 2009). Given that Afro-Caribbeans are less socially integrated in church settings, they may be more likely to engage with neighborhood organizations relative to African Americans. Thus, Afro-Caribbeans’ potentially greater participation in neighborhood organizations might foster stronger emotional attachment to this form of integration, profoundly impacting mental health due to a greater reliance on such neighborhood-level resources in the absence of strong ties in the church context. Conversely, the neighborhood integration and psychological well-being linkage could be strong for Afro-Caribbeans, but weak to non-existent for African Americans who may rely more heavily on family and church network members.

Hypothesis 3

There will be a positive association between neighborhood social integration and psychological well-being for Afro-Caribbeans, but a non-significant effect for African Americans.

Data and Methods

This study uses the National Survey of American Life (NSAL), the first national probability study of blacks of immediate Caribbean descent (Jackson et al. 2004). The survey data were collected between 2001 and 2003, and the study population includes African American, Caribbean black, and non-Hispanic white adults, age 18 and over residing in households in the coterminous United States (Heeringa et al. 2004). African Americans are persons who self-identify as black but do not report Caribbean ancestry. Caribbean blacks are persons who self-identify as black and answered affirmatively to any of the following: (1) they were of West Indian or Caribbean descent, (2) they were born within a Caribbean area country, or (3) they had parents or grandparents who were born in a Caribbean-area country. Institutionalized persons, those living on military bases and non-English speakers are excluded from the study (Heeringa et al. 2004). To increase comfort-level, respondents were matched with interviewers of the same race. Interviews lasted 2.3 h on average. The response rates were 70.9% for African Americans and 77.7% for Caribbean blacks (Heeringa et al. 2004).

A total of 6082 face-to-face interviews were completed and consisted of 1621 Caribbean blacks, 3570 African Americans, and 891 non-Hispanic whites. Non-Hispanic white adults (N = 891) and immigrants identifying as black but not from the Caribbean (N = 64) were excluded from the sample for this analysis. After conducting listwise deletion on missing values for the study variables, the sample was confined to 3191 African Americans and 1416 Caribbean blacks. Approximately 89% of the original sample is retained.Footnote 2

Dependent Measures

This study includes depressive symptoms and life satisfaction as dependent measures. Depressive symptoms is a 12-item version of the Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression (CES-D) scale. Respondents are asked: “Please tell me how often you have felt this way during the past week.” Examples of scale items include “I felt depressed,” “My sleep was restless,” and “I had crying spells.” Response categories range from “rarely or none of the time (< 1 day)” to “most or all of the time (5–7 days).” An additive scale for the CES-D 12 was created with scores ranging from 0 to 33, with lower values indicating fewer depressive symptoms. Life satisfaction is measured by the item, “In general, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole these days?” Responses include: (1) very dissatisfied (2) somewhat dissatisfied, (3) somewhat satisfied and (4) very satisfied.

Independent Measures

We include two measures of neighborhood social integration: contact with neighbors and participation in neighborhood organizations. Frequency of contact with neighbors is measured using the question, “How often do you get together with any of your neighbors, that is, either visiting at each other’s homes or going places together?” Response options include: Never (1), A few times a year (2), At least once a month (3), A few times a month (4), At least once a week (5), and Nearly every day (6). Neighborhood participation is assessed using information from two questions: “Are there any groups in this neighborhood such as block clubs, community associations, social clubs, helping groups and so forth?” and “Are you involved with any of these groups?” The two questions were merged, and include the following response categories: Yes, and participation (= 1) versus all else (= 0). This approach is consistent with prior research on neighborhood social integration (Carpiano and Kimbro 2012; Milburn and Bowman 1991).

To rule out the possibility that other neighborhood characteristics might overshadow the potentially salubrious effects of neighborhood social integration, we control for perceptions of neighborhood-specific resource availability, crime, and drugs. Perceived number of resources (0–7) available in the neighborhood included yes/no responses to whether respondents have any of the following in their neighborhood: park/playground/open space, a big supermarket where you can buy food, a medical clinic or health service, a bank/credit union, a check cashing or currency exchange outlet, a police station or sub-station, and a public library. Perceived presence of crime in the neighborhood asked the following: “how often are there problems with muggings, burglaries, assaults or anything else like that in your neighborhood?” Response options included: Never (1), hardly ever (2), not too often (3), fairly often (4), and very often (5). Perceived presence of drugs in the neighborhood asked, “How much of a problem is the selling and use of drugs in your neighborhood?” Response options were not serious at all (1), not too serious (2), fairly serious (3), and very serious (4) (Hastings and Snowden 2019; Simning et al. 2012).

In addition to accounting for perceived neighborhood characteristics, we control for additional forms of social integration that positively impact the mental health of black Americans. Three significant sources of social integration in the prior literature include family, friends, and church members (Erving 2018; Himle et al. 2017; Levine et al. 2015; Mouzon 2017; Taylor et al. 2001, 2013). To assess contact with family members and contact with friends, respondents were asked, “How often do you see, write or talk on the telephone with (family/friends) who do not live with you?” Responses included seven categories ranging from “never” (1) to “nearly every day” (7). For contact with church members, response options ranged from “never” (1) to “nearly every day” (6). Individuals who did not regularly attend church were coded as “never” (1). To assess social integration in the domain of religion we include a measure of church attendance. For these measures, two measures are combined: one that indicates frequency of church attendance and one that identifies respondents who have not attended service since the age of 18 (Taylor et al. 2013). The resulting categories are: never attended services since the age of 18 (1), less than once a year (2), a few times a year (3), a few times a month (4), at least once a week (5), and nearly everyday (6).

Controls

As these factors are consistently correlated with mental health, we control for age (18–94 years), gender (female = 1), relationship status, and four measures of SES (i.e., educational attainment, annual household income, employment status, home ownership). Relationship status distinguishes among those who are married/cohabiting (reference), never married, and divorced/separated/widowed. Educational attainment categories include less than high school (reference), high school/some college, and college educated. Annual household income is measured in $10,000 increments ($0 to $200,000 or more). Employment status distinguishes among those not in the labor force (reference category), employed, and unemployed. Home ownership is a binary outcome (home owners = 1). For the Afro-Caribbean sample, we control for nativity/length of time in the U.S.: U.S.-born (reference category), < 5 years, between 5 and 10 years, between 10 and 20 years, and more than 20 years.

Analytic Strategy

First, descriptive statistics and difference in means and proportion tests are performed to identify ethnic group differences in the study variables. Second, to assess the association between neighborhood social integration and mental health across groups, separate regressions are estimated for African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans. This ethnicity-stratified regression modeling approach is consistent with the within-group analytic approach (Whitfield et al. 2008). In the first model, neighborhood social integration (contact with neighbors, neighborhood group participation) and controls are the covariates. To assess whether the impact of neighborhood social integration is overshadowed by other perceptual features of the neighborhood, the second model includes other perceived neighborhood characteristics (i.e., neighborhood resources, perceived presence of crime, and perceived presence of drugs). The third model builds on the second by including other sources of social integration (family, friends, church members, and church attendance) to assess whether neighborhood social integration impacts psychological well-being after controlling for other commonly studied sources and contexts of integration. Negative binomial regression is used to analyze depressive symptoms and beta coefficients are presented. Ordinal logistic regression is used to analyze life satisfaction, and exponentiated coefficients/odds ratios (OR) are presented. Due to the complex sampling strategy employed to collect the NSAL data, survey procedures are used to correct for unequal probabilities of selection, non-response, and design effects in the sample. As such, coefficient estimates are adjusted for the complex sampling design of the NSAL using the ‘‘svy’’ commands in Stata SE, version 14.2 (StataCorp 2015).

Results

Descriptive Statistics

As shown in Table 1, both African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans report low depressive symptoms, relatively high life satisfaction, and do not significantly differ along these dimensions of well-being. With regard to neighborhood social integration, contact with neighbors is moderate, with African Americans averaging 3.030 and Afro-Caribbeans averaging 2.888 (between “a few times a year” and “at least once a month”). Both groups also report similar participation in neighborhood groups (12%).

Table 1 Weighted descriptive statistics for dependent, independent, and control measures
Full size table

In terms of perceived neighborhood characteristics, both groups report similarly high levels of neighborhood resources (4.924 for African Americans, 5.689 for Afro-Caribbeans), and moderate levels of perceived crime and drugs. For other sources of social integration, African Americans report significantly higher levels of contact with family relative to Afro-Caribbeans. However, both groups report similarly high levels of contact with friends and moderate levels of church attendance. African Americans report significantly higher contact with church members relative to Afro-Caribbeans.

For the control measures, some significant differences emerged. Afro-Caribbeans are more likely to be married/cohabiting while African Americans are more likely to be divorced/separated/widowed. In terms of education, Afro-Caribbeans are more likely to be college graduates (22.8%) compared to African Americans (13.7%). Afro-Caribbeans also have a higher mean household income relative to their African American counterparts. Compared to Afro-Caribbeans, African Americans are more likely to not be in the labor force and are less likely to be employed. Among Afro-Caribbeans, 29% are U.S.-born, 32% have resided in the U.S. for 20 years or longer, and 22% have lived in the U.S. between 10 and 20 years. Seventeen percent have lived in the U.S. less than 10 years.

Regression Results: Neighborhood Social Integration and Mental Health

African Americans

Results for African Americans are shown in Table 2. Models 1 through 3 include regression models for depressive symptoms. In Model 1, contact with neighbors is associated with fewer depressive symptoms (b = − .029, p < .01). However, neighborhood group participation is not associated with depressive symptoms. After adjusting for perceived neighborhood characteristics in Model 2, the inverse association between contact with neighbors and depressive symptoms remains (b = − .034, p < .001). In Model 3, in which other forms of social integration are included, contact with neighbors remains associated with fewer depressive symptoms. However, the magnitude of this effect, is relatively small: for each unit increase in contact with neighbors, the expected log count of depressive symptoms decreases by only .024 (p < .05).

Table 2 Effect of Neighborhood Social Integration on Psychological Well-being, African Americans (N = 3191)
Full size table

Models 4 through 6 include life satisfaction results. In Model 4, contact with neighbors is associated with greater life satisfaction (OR 1.113, p < .001). After adjusting for neighborhood factors in Model 5, the positive association between contact with neighbors and life satisfaction persists (OR 1.128, p < .001). After adjusting for other forms of social integration, the independent effect of contact with neighbors on life satisfaction remains statistically significant (OR 1.110, p < .001). Overall, these results indicate the robust effect of neighborhood contact on African Americans’ mental health across both measures of psychological well-being, and after adjustments for perceived neighborhood characteristics as well as other sources and contexts of social integration.

In terms of the independent effects of other neighborhood characteristics, consistent with prior literature, perceived presence of crime and drugs are associated with higher depressive symptoms and lower levels of life satisfaction. Two other forms of social integration are associated with fewer depressive symptoms: contact with family and friends. The effects of the controls on psychological well-being are generally in the expected directions.

Afro-Caribbeans

Results for Afro-Caribbeans are shown in Table 3. In Model 1, contact with neighbors is not associated with depressive symptoms. However, participation in neighborhood groups is associated with fewer depressive symptoms (b = − .277, p < .05). After adjusting for perceived neighborhood characteristics in Model 2, the association between neighborhood group participation and depressive symptoms remains (b = − .271, p < .05). In Model 3, in which other forms of social integration are included, neighborhood group participation remains associated with fewer depressive symptoms. More specifically, the expected log count of depressive symptoms for neighborhood participation is .246 lower than the expected log count for non-participation (p < .05).

Table 3 Effect of neighborhood social integration on psychological well-being, Caribbean blacks (N = 1416)
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Models 4 through 6 include the results for life satisfaction. In Model 4, contact with neighbors is associated with greater life satisfaction (OR 1.190, p < .01). After adjusting for neighborhood factors in Model 5, the positive association between contact with neighbors and life satisfaction persists (OR 1.214, p < .01). After adjusting for other forms of social integration, the independent effect of contact with neighbors on life satisfaction remains statistically significant (OR 1.194, p < .05). Overall, these results indicate the effect of neighborhood social integration on Afro-Caribbeans’ mental health is contingent on the way in which psychological well-being is measured. In addition, the effects of neighborhood social integration on mental health are not sensitive to adjustments for other perceived neighborhood characteristics and other forms of social integration.

In terms of the other neighborhood characteristics, consistent with prior literature, there is an inverse association between perceived neighborhood resources and symptoms (see Table 3, Model 2), while perceived crime is associated with lower levels of life satisfaction (see Table 3, Models 5 and 6). Two other forms of social integration are associated with mental health: contact with friends is associated with fewer depressive symptoms (Model 3) and church attendance is associated with greater life satisfaction (Model 6). The effects of the controls on psychological well-being are generally in the expected directions.

Ancillary analyses were conducted to ascertain whether the effects of neighborhood social integration differed by nativity status among Afro-Caribbeans. Statistical interactions between nativity status and each measure of neighborhood social integration were not significant (results available upon request). In addition, when analyses were conducted separately for U.S.-born and foreign-born Afro-Caribbeans, the results for U.S.-born Afro-Caribbeans were in the expected directions but not statistically significant due to small sample size.

Discussion

This study examined the association between neighborhood social integration and mental health for black Americans. Our findings enhance the neighborhoods-health literature by examining neighborhood social interactions (as opposed to neighborhood socioeconomic characteristics) and the inclusion of mental health measures that assess psychological distress (i.e., depressive symptoms) as well as subjective well-being (i.e., life satisfaction). In addition, these findings contribute to the social integration and health literature by examining a relatively understudied source (i.e., neighbors) and context (i.e., the neighborhood) of integration. Given growing ethnic diversity in the black American population, we also examined the neighborhood social integration-mental health association for African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans. Findings provide limited support for our proposed hypotheses.

Though we hypothesized that neighborhood social integration would be higher among Afro-Caribbeans than for African Americans (Hypothesis 1 ), we found similar levels of contact with neighbors and participation in neighborhood groups between the two groups. In fact, Afro-Caribbeans and African Americans both had neighborhood organization participation rates of 12%. While this rate may appear to be somewhat low, it is consistent with an earlier study focused on African Americans (Milburn and Bowman 1991). Furthermore, the remaining 88% who do not participate in neighborhood organizations may be socially integrated in other social contexts (e.g., church, volunteer organizations located outside of the neighborhood).Footnote 3 Though the current study was primarily focused on ascertaining the mental health effects of such participation, this is the only study, to our knowledge, to test for ethnic differences in neighborhood organization participation among blacks using a nationally representative sample. Because neighborhood participation is a form of social capital that can be leveraged to maintain positive mental health and acquire a variety of other valuable social goods (Carpiano 2006, 2007; Carpiano and Kimbro 2012; Small 2006), future research should investigate participation frequency (e.g., weekly, once a month), commitment level (e.g., attending a meeting versus organizing/coordinating a meeting within a neighborhood organization), and the benefits residents accrue from such participation.

In terms of considering the association between neighborhood social integration and psychological well-being, we presented competing hypotheses: first, that both African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans would psychologically benefit from such integration (Hypothesis 2), and, second, that only Afro-Caribbeans would psychologically benefit from neighborhood social integration (Hypothesis 3). However, we find a nuanced pattern that is contingent on the way in which mental health is operationalized and the specific form of neighborhood social integration. On one hand, there was a positive association between contact with neighbors and life satisfaction for both African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans (support for Hypothesis 2). Furthermore, the effect of neighbor contact on life satisfaction remained even after adjustments for perceived neighborhood characteristics as well as other sources and contexts of social integration. These findings demonstrate that, in addition to the traditionally studied sources of support (i.e., family, friends, church members), contact with neighbors provides a psychological benefit for both African Americans and Afro-Caribbeans, suggesting that its psychological effect is unique and independent of interactions with significant others. The implication is that social integration and mental health studies should include this geographically proximate source of support to provide a more comprehensive assessment of the overall effects of social support on the psychological well-being of black Americans.

On the other hand, the effect of contact with neighbors on depressive symptomatology differed across groups. For African Americans, aligned with past research (Taylor et al. 2001; Thomas and Holmes 1992), frequent contact with neighbors was associated with fewer depressive symptoms. However, the magnitude of the association between neighbor contact and depressive symptoms was small. Furthermore, neighbor contact was not associated with depressive symptoms for Afro-Caribbeans; therefore, for this ethnic group, the effect of contact with neighbors on mental health is contingent on the way in which psychological well-being is measured. In sum, while contact with neighbors offers a psychological benefit for both ethnic groups, its effect is more consistent across mental health measures for African Americans. The disparate findings by mental health measurement speak to the importance of including both symptom-related as well as subjective assessments of well-being. A related issue is that the effect of contact with neighbors on psychological well-being is larger for life satisfaction for both groups, suggesting that contact with neighbors has a stronger impact on subjective well-being than symptom-based assessments of psychological well-being.

Despite similar neighborhood organization participation rates, neighborhood organization participation was associated with fewer depressive symptoms for Afro-Caribbeans only (support for Hypothesis 3). In fact, of all the neighborhood social integration measures and across both ethnic groups, neighborhood organization participation had the largest effect on the mental health of Afro-Caribbeans. Conversely, participation in neighborhood organizations did not offer a mental health benefit for African Americans. This is somewhat surprising given the historical (Morris 1984; Milburn and Bowman 1991) and contemporary (Marwell 2007) significance of neighborhood organizations in black neighborhoods. In light of the findings, it appears that the neighborhood social interactions most crucial for the mental health of African Americans are within the context of sustained interpersonal interactions with neighbors. Therefore, participation in neighborhood organizations is less consequential for African Americans’ mental health in comparison to their interpersonal interactions with neighbors. As neighborhood organization participation appears to be mental health protective for Afro-Caribbeans, they may have a different level of social engagement with and attachment to neighborhood organizations. As suggested earlier, participation in neighborhood organizations could potentially play a vital role in maintaining positive psychological well-being for Afro-Caribbeans because of lower levels of sustained involvement in other contexts (e.g., church). As such, these organizations may aid in increasing quality of life for newly arrived and longer-term immigrants alike who are adjusting to the American context (Basch 1987; Kasinitz 1992). However, the neighborhood participation measure used here lacks detail regarding the specific resources provided by neighborhood organizations, which are likely quite varied (Small 2006).

Future empirical work should assess the specific social organizations in which Afro-Caribbeans are participating and the quality of the social interactions occurring within such organizations to understand the mechanisms underlying the psychological benefits of neighborhood organization participation. Other work has shown that individuals participate in a variety of neighborhood organizations from political advocacy groups, to community centers and recreational facilities (Tran et al. 2013). Participation in voluntary associations such as sports clubs, benevolent societies (e.g., Jamaica Benevolent Association), and political organizations (e.g., Jamaica Progressive League) historically served as anchors in black immigrant communities in New York City (Basch 1987; Kasinitz 1992). These organizations united black immigrants along the dimensions of shared ethnicity, culture, and political interests (Bashi 2007; Kasinitz 1992). For example, neighborhood organizations catering to black immigrant communities are often social in nature, with many planning and hosting weekend outings, dances, elaborate parties, and beauty pageants (Bashi 2007; Kasinitz 1992). These organizations also engage in charity activities such as raising money for schools and setting up scholarship funds (Kasinitz 1992). Given the multifaceted nature of such neighborhood organizations, Afro-Caribbeans who participate likely see these spaces as a key source of co-ethnic (or “similar other”) social support in the U.S. context, thereby engendering “bonding capital” which, in turn, has positive implications for mental health. Furthermore, participation in neighborhood-based organizations could potentially have a “trick down effect”, whereby the social ties developed in the context of the organization could facilitate involvement in other organizations within and even beyond the neighborhood (Tran et al. 2013). This linkage to other organizations could facilitate the development of networks outside of ethnic enclaves, producing “bridging capital.” This conjecture, however, awaits empirical confirmation.

Future research should investigate the extent to which neighborhood ethnic composition affects mental health among Afro-Caribbeans. Some recent work shows that living in an ethnic enclave can have both positive and negative implications for the health of immigrants residing in the U.S. (Hong et al. 2014; Osypuk et al. 2009). Despite not having sufficient data regarding the ethnic composition of neighborhoods, the Caribbean black sample was primarily obtained through intentionally targeting Caribbean black high density areas in both the Northeast (i.e., New York, New Jersey, District of Columbia, Connecticut, Massachusetts) as well as the South (i.e., Florida) (Heeringa et al. 2004). A more granular measure (i.e., ethnic composition of neighborhoods), however, could provide a nuanced analysis of how neighborhood ethnic composition affects mental health.

More broadly, this study could not capture some contextual aspects of neighborhoods that potentially impact psychological well-being. For example, neighborhood conditions such as poverty, residential stability, and population density impact black Americans’ access to social networks (Small 2007), which, in turn, could have psychological effects. In addition, collective efficacy theory suggests—and empirical evidence confirms—that mutual trust and shared expectations for intervening for the neighborhood’s common good are consequential for residents’ well-being (Ahern and Galea 2011; Browning and Cagney 2002; Sampson 2003). In addition, we cannot rule out the possibility of reverse causality. While the broader literature on social integration and health suggests social causation, social selection processes could also simultaneously be operating (Berkman et al. 2000; Thoits 2011; Turner and Turner 2013). That is, individuals who are less socially integrated are more likely to be in poor mental health. Therefore, longitudinal data is needed to ascertain bidirectional effects in the neighborhood social integration-health association.

Despite some limitations, the findings presented here speak to the necessity of examining within-race group variation in the effects of neighborhood characteristics on mental health. In fact, this study provides further confirmation that while black Americans in general share some common social experiences, “the black American experience” is far from monolithic. As such, this study contributes to the growing body of work confirming ethnic heterogeneity in blacks’ health profiles (e.g., Hamilton and Hummer 2011; Williams et al. 2007), and further elucidates heterogeneity in the social determinants of diverse blacks’ health. In addition, the emphasis here on neighborhood social interactions and organizational participation is a call for neighborhoods-health studies to consider not only the deficits in many of the neighborhoods where racial minorities live (e.g., poverty, crime), but the social capital embedded within those same spaces. The findings also beckon social support and health scholars to include neighbors as a crucial source of support and participation in neighborhood organizations as an integral context in which black Americans maintain positive mental health.