Approximately 1% of collegiate athletes become professionals, and the average professional sports career lasts around three and a half years (Coakley 2009; NCAA 2010). Retirement, for most competitive athletes, comes at relatively young age at which time they must redefine their self and social identity. This often proves difficult due to the high levels of exclusive identification to athletic identity that elite athletes possess. This study qualitatively examines athletic identity salience of African-American male athletes and is grounded by identity foreclosure as a theoretical framework. It addresses the following research questions: (1) Do the respondents of this study display athletic identity foreclosure marked by a self-identity and social identity centered around the “athletic self”? (2) Does athletic identity foreclosure add to the difficulty found in the sports retirement process? In-depth ethnographic interviews with 20 African-American former student-athletes explore the strength of attachment to the athletic role and salience of the athletic identity of the respondents.

Theoretical Framework: Identity Foreclosure

As individuals search for a sense of self, it is best to explore many different options concerning identity. One can base identity on a variety of or combination of talents, personality, character traits, academic performance, occupation, religion, etc. Identities make up much of the content of the self-concept and “refers to who or what one is…to the various meanings attached to oneself by self and others” (Gecas and Burke 1995: 42). One’s identity is composed of a self-identity (how one views oneself) and a social identity (how the self is viewed by others). Athletic identity can be understood as a social role or an occupational self-image (Pearlin 1983; Astle 1986). It is comprised of the cognitive, affective, behavioral, and social obligations associated with identifying with the athletic role (Brewer et al. 1993). Elite athletes receive elevated levels of social reinforcement for their physical abilities and have much of their individual conception of identity and “self” based upon athletic performance. Thus their self-identity is composed solely of “athlete” and social identity is defined by others view of them as athletes.

All too often, African-American males overemphasize the role of athletics and nurture one identity, the athletic identity. Consequently, minority males in football and basketball have been found to have the highest rates of identity foreclosure (Harrison et al. 2011; Scales 1991). Identity foreclosure is defined as a commitment to an identity before one has meaningfully explored other options or engaged in exploratory behavior, such as career exploration, talent development, or joining social clubs or interest groups (Danish et al. 1993; Marcia 1966). Additionally, identity foreclosure occurs when one has not been exposed to a broad range of alternatives (Petitpas 1978). Individuals in identity foreclosure have committed to an identity prematurely and often do so because of encouragement from parents, peers, and close significant others (Marcia 1966). For example, most people commit to a religious identity without ever exploring other religions because they simply adopt the religion of their parents. African-American males are socialized intensely into sports by family, peers, media, and community; and there tends to be an overemphasis on sports amongst African-Americans in general (Beamon and Bell 2002; Beamon and Bell 2006; Beamon 2008; Edwards 2000; Eitle and Eitle 2002; Harrison and Lawrence 2003; Hoberman 2000; Pascarella et al. 1999; Scales 1991; Smith 2007). Thus, it is very intuitive that this group is highly susceptible to athletic identity foreclosure.

Most people have self and social identities that include multiple roles and statuses such as employee, student, fraternity member, etc., so that when one changes or ceases, the individual still has a strong self-concept. In terms of athletic identity foreclosure, athletes tend to choose this self-identity before they have considered other possible roles and statuses. They forgo exploration of other talents, interest, hobbies, or occupations and center their identity on athletic participation and achievement. Foreclosure begins early in life for many athletes and the resulting behavior and self-identity is often reinforced by peers, teachers, parents, and coaches. The social identity is shaped by significant others, the public, and the media’s continued glorification of athletes and overemphasis on athletics, particularly for African-American males.

Literature Review

The social structure of a student-athlete is usually made up of other student-athletes as they live, work, dine, and travel with one another. Student-athletes often engage in conversations with one another concerning sports and often their interaction with non-athletes is also sports centered (Clow 2001; Danish et al. 1993). The amount of time that student-athletes spend devoted to sports requires that the athletic role of student athletes take precedence over all other roles and identities. The level of commitment and exclusive devotion that is necessary for athletic achievement may restrict the exploratory behavior essential to identity development (Chartrand and Lent 1987; Pearson and Petitpas 1990). Limited time and energy to devote to identity exploration leads athletes to select an identity, the athletic identity, which seems to offer the most rewards and encouragement (Danish et al. 1993). It is natural then, that if an individual dedicates the greatest amount of their time to sport, then the development of a personal identity outside of sport is stagnated (Petitpas and Champagne 1988). Students who are not athletes are less susceptible to foreclosed occupational identities because they have the freedom to explore courses, majors, internships, etc. finding one that suites their interest and abilities before they commit. Student-athletes, on the other hand, have little time or freedom to explore as they operate under strict time and academic eligibility constraints. Student-athletes often participate in athletic activity at the equivalent level of a full work week and this is often year round (Selden 1998). Thus many student-athletes choose athletic identities and occupations prematurely and become foreclosed on those choices.

Student-athletes often feel a sense of security embracing the athletic role and are unwilling to engage in the self-exploration essential to the process of identity formation. The athletic role is the primary reason that many student-athletes are able to attend college and the financial support of the university is dependent upon athletic performance. The athletic identity takes precedence over social and academic roles and student-athletes often become detached from their academic and social roles. Moreover, student athletes’ identity formation process may be stunted due to limited opportunities for exploration associated with a sense of overprotection, depersonalization, and segregation felt by student-athletes (Eitzen 2009; Remer et al. 1978). African-American males’ cultural identity and masculinity are often tied to athletic participation and performance (Smith 2007; Spence 2000). Their self-identity is shaped by an over identification to the athletic role.

Adler and Adler (1991) examined athletic and academic roles under the theoretical framework of identity theory in order to assess the salience of athletic identity. The authors found that many of the athletes came to college with salient academic identity and academic roles, however this often changed during the course of their college careers. The academic role was not reinforced which lead to the diminished identity salience of the academic identity. The athletes were found to have deeply rooted athletic roles and a primary self-identification as athletes. Additionally the athletic identity encompassed and dominated all other roles in most situations. Both self-identity and social identity are shaped by athletic roles. Thus the athletic identity becomes foreclosed. Using the Athletic Identity Measurement Scale, Harrison et al. (2011) found that African-American males were more likely than their White counterparts to see themselves as only athletes and they were more likely to believe that others see them only as athletes.

Collegiate athletes have been found to have delayed career development, low levels of career maturity, and a stunted ability to make career decisions, including choosing a major and an occupation (Kennedy and Dimick 1987; Blann 1985; Remer et al. 1978; Sowa and Gressard 1983; Murphy et al. 1996). Career maturity is defined as “the maturity of attitudes and competencies that are critical in realistic career decision-making” (Meeker et al. 2000: 126). Several studies have linked athletic identity foreclosure to a lack of career maturity, thus a more difficult transition out of the sporting world (Adler and Adler 1991; Beamon and Bell 2011; Brewer et al. 1993; Murphy et al. 1996). However, few studies have discussed how athletic identity foreclosure itself makes for a more difficult sports retirement process. The respondents in this study discuss athletic identity foreclosure beginning in early childhood. Their self-identity and social identity was composed almost exclusively of “athlete.” This made their transitions out of sport even more difficult as they were forced to redefine both self and social identities. These findings make a significant contribution to the current literature as athletic identity foreclose itself is seen as a contributing factor to difficult retirement, and not just as it relates to career immaturity.

The Data and Procedures

Utilizing qualitative research to study African-American athletes may provide further insight into role formation as it pertains to athletic identity salience and foreclosure. This study utilizes ethnographic interviews of 20 African-American men who formerly played football or basketball at Division IA universities. The sample obtained in this research is unique and adds greatly to the current body of knowledge. There are recognized obstacles to gaining research access to members of Division I teams and professional athletes. Interviewing high profile athletes often proves difficult in that they are rare, unlikely to participate, and protective of their private lives (Benson 2000; Funk 1991; Neuman 1997; Winbush 1988). Additionally, previous studies of athletic identity and foreclosure have mostly included quantitative methodology using the Athletic Identity Measurement Scale (Brewer et al. 1993; Harrison et al. 2011; Kennedy and Dimick 1987; Murphy et al. 1996). Although these studies show that athletes, particularly minority males, experience athletic identity foreclosure, few studies have examined identity foreclosure using in-depth interviewing which allows athletes to elaborate on the phenomenon.

Both purposive and snowball sampling were utilized in this research. The criteria for participation were as follows: (1) must be African-American male, (2) former student-athlete from a Division I university, and (3) played a revenue generating sport (football or men’s basketball). The study was exclusive to Division I universities because of their high visibility. This study was exclusive to African-American males in revenue generating sports due to the fact that minority males in football and basketball have been found to have the highest occurrence of athletic identity foreclosure (Kennedy and Dimick 1987; Scales 1991).

The 20 participants were from universities all over the country. As a former NCAA student-athlete, personal connections with classmates, agents, athletic academic advisors, and coaches were utilized for initial contacts and aided in gaining the confidence of the respondents. The respondents were contacted by phone or in person and given (or read) the description of the study. From there, snowballing led to the identification of additional participants. In depth semi-standardized interviews were used as the data collection technique. The interviews ranged from 1 to 5 h, with the average interview lasting around two and a half hours. Transcription was performed by the researcher. The questions were open-ended, non-biased, and designed to elicit candid responses. An interview schedule was utilized to guide the interaction, but elaboration was encouraged. For example, the semi-structured interview schedule included questions such as: “How do you define yourself” and “How do you think others define you.” However, these open ended questions lead to a considerable amount of elaboration and follow up questions. The data were hand coded thematically with common terms, ideas, and phrases emerging after repeated line by line readings of the transcribed interviews. Coding applies a meaning or interpretation given to verbal data (Berg 2004). The major theme that emerged was exclusive athletic identity or identity foreclosure with three supporting categories of self identity, social identity, and the effects of identity foreclosure on retirement. Quotes were coded under these three categories. The findings presented in this study consist of direct quotes offered in the form of rich narratives articulated by the respondents. They are presented under the three major thematic categories that emerged during initial and focused coding. The respondent’s confidentiality was maintained by coding responses and transcribed interviews with a number such as “001,” never associating a name with the recorded interviews. Additionally, the respondents were given a statement of full disclosure and assured that after transcription, the recordings would be destroyed.

Description of the Sample

The athletes interviewed ranged from ages 22 to 47. Many were in their twenties, with two outliers being 45 and 47. Three respondents were playing sports professionally or semiprofessionally. The remaining respondents were holding jobs in other professions or unemployed.

Table 1 shows background and demographic information about the participants. Pseudonyms were assigned in order to ensure the confidentiality of the respondents.

Table 1 Participant background information
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According to the table seventeen of the twenty participants hold degrees (with one choosing not to answer the question). This apparent contradiction of the literature could be attributed to snowball sampling in which the first respondent held a degree and identified additional respondents with degrees. Most (17) were football players, this may be due to sheer numbers of collegiate football players versus basketball players, as football teams average a little over 100 players and basketball teams have less than 20.

Findings

The group of respondents in this study showed evidence of identity foreclosure and an exclusivity of the athletic role. When asked to give a percentage as to how much athletics defined them, the vast majority of respondents assigned a very high percentage to athletics in their self definition. Table 2 shows the percentages that the respondents felt that athletics defined themselves.

Table 2 The athletic identity
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Self-Identity

As shown in the above table, 15 of the respondents felt that athletics made up sixty percent or more of their self-definition. Furthermore, 12 respondents believed that sports makes up over 75% of who they are as a person. This shows that the largest part of images of their “self” is made up of the athletic identity. Many respondents felt that this begins at a very young age and is encouraged throughout childhood and adolescent socialization. This leads to identity foreclosure because they do not explore other roles and identities before they commit to the athletic identity. Eddy discusses his athletic identity development,

It was definitely cemented by the time I was twelve, when I got to junior high school….I could see that there was those people and there was us (athletes).

When I asked who were “those people” he stated that he meant “smart people and White people.” This was a very intriguing response in that it is implied that athletes are not “smart people” and “White people” were not athletes. Gavin describes himself through sports and feels that without sports, that he would be unable to accomplish anything,

I would include sports a lot (in defining myself)…because I mean, sports is basically me…so I don’t think I can do anything outside sports.

Gavin, who at the time of the study was unemployed and had not played any level of professional athletics, had such a foreclosed athletic identity that even though it was apparent that his sports career was over he would not engage in identity or career exploration. This was a common sentiment among the respondent of this study. Even after sports participation had ceased, they were either unwilling or ill-equipped to the engage in exploratory behavior that is necessary for new self-identities to develop and emerge from foreclosure athletic identities. This is also illustrated in Matt’s response. Matt played one year in the Arena Football League and had been retired from sports for several years at the time of the interview, yet he still believes that sports define 90% of his identity:

I’d say about 90% of who I am comes from my life in sports but at this point 20% of my life is sports….Sports has been a part of my life, just as much as my parents have been a part of my life. I don’t know who I would be without it.

Adam sentiments made it clear how he views himself,

I’m a baller, it’s not just what I do, it is who I am. That is who I will always be and I’m gonna ride this thing til the wheels fall off because I don’t know what else I could even do. I’m a baller man, a baller plain and simple that’s it…I was made for this.

As illustrated in the responses of these athletes, identity foreclosure occurs at relatively young ages and without giving much consideration to other roles. For example, in discussing other talents, Jack discusses a love and talent for music, and Matt and Devin discuss a talent for art. All three state that those talents were never emphasized or considered in their self-definition. Although they possess talents in other areas, they solely defined themselves based on athletic talents. Many (14 of 20) of the respondents spoke of being unable to see themselves or define themselves in any other terms.

Social Identity

Most (17 of 20) of the respondents felt that others viewed them and related to them in terms of their athletic identity. For example, Adam states that “that’s all people really know me as; even my family, friends, women.” Adler and Adler (1991) suggest that the commitment to the athletic role as a master status is caused by their “selves” being treated as objects by others. From this point of view, the overemphasis on the athletic identity by others can aid in the development of athletic identity foreclosure. The respondents suggest that family members, peers, fans, and strangers seemed to be concerned about one aspect of their being, athletics. This aids in the creation of identity foreclosure which is observed in most of these respondents. Brad discussed the feeling that most people only relate to him as an athlete,

….its always somebody that wanna come up to you and talk to you about sports cuz they feel that’s the only way they know you by. Or that’s the only way that they can communicate with you.

Several (13 of 20) resent the emphasis that others place on their athletic identity. Eddy describes wrestling with this after exiting athletic competition,

Yeah, initially, I mean always, ya know 6’5” so did ‘you play basketball?’, ‘you played basketball?’, ‘you play basketball’, and yeah I used to like I said for a while, right after college I went through a period where I was like ‘okay yeah, okay 6’5” black guy of coarse I played basketball genius.’ So I went through a period where I was fighting it and it was kinda like an actor named Ricky when he was a child and now he wants to be called Rick when he’s older.

Jack echoes the sentiments of Eddy,

Well I think to this present day…I mean I haven’t played sports in ten eleven years now and if I was to run into somebody I knew nineteen years ago that’s what they wanna know. I still see people, and they ask me ‘do you still play ball’ and I’m like ‘Nah man, but I still read.’

Oliver also believed that the others fixation on his athletic identity followed him into his current profession as a police officer,

Even on my job, if we have to run after somebody, and I happen to catch ‘em somebody’ll bring up well he played football, or if I had to knock somebody down and be physical with somebody, it’d be brought up so. Even in the position of what I’m doing people still see me as ‘that’s such and such who played football at that university.’ So, I don’t know, I think I’ll always look at myself as only an athlete because of that.

Nate discusses significant others that relate to him as an athlete first,

Majority of them do (relate to me as an athlete), um I say that because the majority of ‘em, of my friends, I met through athletics. Not only do they see me as an athlete, I also see them like that as well.

Many of the respondents felt that their families become fixated on their athletic achievements. They speak of family and significant others as seeing this aspect of “self” as the most important role that they play. Perry discusses how he feels society views him and states “It’s all about your sport accolades, even with your family.” Jack shares this sentiment. He quit the basketball team midway through his senior campaign. This was the first time that he says he truly realized that some of the people closest to him were also overly attached to his role as an athlete stating:

I left the basketball team and immediately I realized when I left they only cared about me cuz I played basketball.

In order for identity foreclosure to occur, the behavior must be reinforced by others. In the case of these respondents, not only did they perceive that others viewed them solely through the lens of the athletic identity, significant others also were culpable. Although many of respondents alluded to this idea, Matt, Eddy, Jack, and Devin specifically discuss that from early childhood they were encouraged to achieve athletic success and that “athlete” was the most important role to play for “little black boys,” Eddy stated. He expounded on that idea by stating “I didn’t see my White friends having this pressure to be good at sport.” Devin believes that being “big and Black” created a situation in which athleticism is implied and family, friends, coaches and even teachers felt that sports will be the “only way I can make it.” Thus, the likelihood of athletic identity foreclosure is increased and the on the transition out of elite athletics becomes more difficult. They cannot change their physical appearance, and in our society, being tall and African-American indeed implies athleticism as we constantly see those images glorified in the media.

Effects of Athletic Identity Foreclosure on Sports Retirement

All (20 of 20) of the respondents described facing difficulty while transitioning out of the role of athlete as they retired from competitive sports. Although the difficulties varied in severity and form, all had trouble during this process. All had expectations to play professional sports and were not prepared in college to make career choices after sports. Most describe feeling depressed and reported feeling a loss liken to personal death, the loss of a body part, or the loss of a family member. They grieved and mourned for the loss of a part of them that had been extremely significant throughout most of their lives. Additionally, many (14 of 20) of the respondents had transitions that were hindered by identity foreclosure in which they discussed not knowing who they were without sports, how others would relate to them as a non-athlete, and/or a loss of status associated with being an athlete. Eddy stated that “I really didn’t know how to be a regular dude, how to not be a basketball player, what that means even.” Several other respondents (12 of 20) used terms like “regular” and “normal” to describe the person that they thought would be after sports.

Lenny felt that members of society continued to relate only to his athletic identity. His response demonstrates the manner in which this hindered his transition out of sport as he entered the occupational sector outside of athletic participation,

That was the only thing they were really worried about and that was the only conversation they really would have with me, about the athletics…it seemed like that was what the majority of the conversations was consumed with…it caused problems later on and after I began my career outside of sports that’s the only thing they wanna talk about. I had a problem with that… Ya know if your gonna interview me for a job and you asking about sports, you won’t get to know about me and my capabilities, you’ll just know about the sports. And a lot of times you don’t get the job because they don’t have anything down good about you about the capabilities that you can do on that job, all they know is about sports.

Former elite athletes may be hindered in this way by their once glorified status. As they struggle to find a new occupation and identity, others continue to relate to them as athletes. Steve’s response illustrates how others view of him and how the loss of status can add further to the depression that many athletes feel as they retire from competitive athletics and try to redefine their identity:

It’s, like I said football and playing at each level, pretty much everything’s done for you. I mean you used to people waiting on you hand and foot, you used to being the big man around campus, and whatever you did you’re pretty much god… Losin that status, that was the most depressing thing to me.

Additionally, many of the respondents were reluctant to move on from sport. They felt ill-prepared to do so, but also because they felt they might miss out on an opportunity that could possibly come knocking. Hurbert’s response illustrated this sentiment:

I feel like I can’t do anything else. I don’t wanna go pursue another job because I’m gone wait around on them to call me back

He like many of the other respondents was extremely reluctant to move on and take the time and effort to create new identities. Even though many were not athletes any longer, losing the identity made their retirement that much more difficult.

Discussion and Conclusion

In the case of the twenty former collegiate athletes that participated in this study, the athletic identity was identified and described to be more salient than any other aspect of “self.” Additionally, most (17 of 20) respondents felt that other members of society, both significant others and the general public, related to them in terms of their athletic identity. While athletic identity foreclosure is not a problem that only African-American athletes face, the current literature has confirmed quantitatively that African-American athletes are more likely than Whites to see sports as the focal point of their lives and perceived that others view them only as “athletes” (Harrison et al. 2011; Murphy et al. 1996; Scales 1991). For this reason, this study focused on African-American athletes. Race seems to effect athletic identify foreclosure among athletes similar to the manner in which it has been found to play a role in other areas such as career maturity, sports socialization, sports career aspirations, and student-athlete academic success, with African-Americans having a more difficulty experience than Whites in all of the above mention areas (Beamon and Bell 2002, 2006; Beamon 2008, 2011; Edwards 2000; Eitle and Eitle 2002; Harrison and Lawrence 2003; Harrison et al. 2011; Hoberman 2000; Pascarella et al. 1999; Scales 1991; Smith 2007). This study expounds upon previous findings by giving the athletes a voice to discuss how athletic identity and foreclosure has affected them and their transition out of athletics. With that voice they describe how “being big and Black” or “little black boy” makes it easy to choose this identity prematurely and difficult to change others perception of oneself.

Many continued to have foreclosed athletic identities even after retirement. They are unable to redefine themselves and feel that society makes it difficult to do so. Their families, friends, and even strangers continue to value them as great athletes which hinder identity reformation. Identity foreclosure is associated with low career maturity and negatively affects career decision making (Brown et al. 2000; Good et al. 1993; Gordon 1995; Murphy et al. 1996). These issues are associated with difficult sports retirement processes. The respondents expressed that their transitions were hindered not only by career issues, but by a loss of status, a loss of self, and difficulty “seeing” themselves as a “regular” person as opposed to an great athlete. Identity foreclosure occurred at very young ages for many of the respondents and they never explored other roles, talents, occupations, or self-identities. They find themselves wrestling with the reality that the manner in which they have always identified themselves is no longer a part of their lives. They experience an identity crisis, but are ill-equipped to create new identities.

In response to the first research question, this group does indeed display identity foreclose. They define themselves athletically and they perceive that others do as well. In response to the second research question, the respondents of this study have many difficulties as they face retirement from athletics. It is possible as evidenced in these narratives that athletic identity foreclosure contributes to their quandary.

A possible limitation of this research is the lack of generalizability of the findings. This study focused on twenty participants whose responses were generally consistent with the issues identified previous studies. However, the findings cannot be generalized the experiences or perceptions of all African-American male athletes concerning athletic identity and identity foreclosure. Sampling limitations also exist. Although the sample consisted of men of various ages from universities across the nation, snowballing may have led to respondents with similar experiences. This limitation was addressed by assuring that the five initial contacts were varied by occupation, university, age, and region of the country. Another limitation of the sample is its small size (n = 20). However, as previously discussed, there are recognized obstacles to gaining research access to members of Division I teams and professional athletes (Benson 2000; Funk 1991; Winbush 1988). For this reason, although small, any sample adds significantly to the current body of knowledge. Because this study was limited by gender, focusing exclusively on males, a suggestion for future research would be to examine African-American females. As the opportunities for professional sport participation increases for women through such outlets as the WNBA and other such venues, similar identity issues may soon become more prominent in women in general and/or African-American women specifically.