Introduction

Edwards et al. (2011) have presented a compelling argument that rape myths are deeply rooted in US history, law, religion, and media stereotypes. These myths help to foster a climate in which rape is perpetrated and rape victims blamed for their victimization. Edwards and her colleagues suggest that four key rape myths (i.e., husbands cannot rape their wives, women enjoy rape, women ask to be raped, and women lie about being raped) are representative of a number of other contemporary beliefs that arise from a patriarchal system that accepts and fosters rape. The current paper will extend this thesis by proposing that rape myths influence sexual scripts which effect sexual beliefs and behavior.

The concept of myth has (at least) two connotations. One is myth as a story that is imbedded in history, religion, and culture and that guides human behavior and gives it meaning (e.g., Campbell 1988; May 1990). The second is myth as a mistaken belief—a lie. It is this connotation of rape myth that is evoked by Edwards and her colleagues in describing rape myth research. Others also share this view of rape myths. “Rape myths are attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women” (Lonsway and Fitzgerald 1994, p. 134). Rape myths have been called “the most self-serving justification of sexual coercion ever invented by callous men” (Zillmann and Weaver 1989, p. 101).

Myths can inform our understanding of our lives and give us meaning (e.g., Campbell 1988; May 1990). “A myth is a way of making sense in a senseless world. Myths are narrative patterns that give significance to our existence” (May 1990, p 15). Myths can provide prototypical stories that guide behavior. “Myth is a form of expression which reveals a process of thought and feeling—man’s awareness of and response to the universe, his fellow men, and his separate being. It is a projection in concrete and dramatic form of fears and desires undiscoverable and inexpressible in any other way” (Feder as cited in May 1990, p 28).

Myths can become scripts that are enacted or avoided. These scripts structure our understanding of our own and others’ experience (Schank and Abelson 1977). Rape myths may be part of a cognitive scheme that reflect the belief in a just world and facilitate sexual aggression (Bohner et al. 2009). Rape myths can provide comfort to women and men because they allow them to distance themselves and their own behavior from the possibility of being victims or perpetrators of rape. Bohner and colleagues (2009) found that rape myth acceptance served as a buffer for women who experienced less anxiety when presented with the issue of sexual violence. In contrast, for men, rape myth acceptance served as a “means to rationalize and justify their own tendencies to engage in sexual aggression” (p. 34). Thus, myths that blame women for rape, disbelieve claims of rape, and exonerate the perpetrator operate differently in women and men (Bohner et al. 2009: Lonsway and Fitzgerald 1995). Rape myths can also provide cautionary tales of what could happen when women are incautious or unguarded (e.g., women invite rape by engaging in overtly sexual behavior or wearing provocative dress; only certain women are raped—those who drink too much, sleep around, or hang out in the wrong places). Finally, rape myths can be used as guidelines or instructions for the perpetration of sexual aggression (e.g., it’s okay to rape women who tease men, dress provocatively, or engage in sexual behavior; women mean yes when they say no; and women want to be raped).

Rape Scripts

Scripts are prototypes for how events normally proceed (Schank and Abelson 1977). Schank and Abelson described four conceptualizations that establish a script: precondition(s), elements that depend on other elements (e.g., one must take the subway to go to the restaurant), location(s), and role(s). Scripts may be shared, concealed, competing with other scripts, and/or instrumental (i.e., rigid sequences of behavior in the service of a goal). Sexual scripts are culturally determined, they create sexual meaning and desire, and they enable individuals to interpret their own and their partner’s behavior (e.g., Frith 2009; McCormick 2010a; Simon and Gagnon 1984, 1986). Sexual scripts include predictable patterns of behavior (e.g., male persistence), methods of consent (usually clear and direct), and methods of non-consent (often polite and indirect) (Frith 2009). Script research has been applied to a variety of sexual behaviors including rape and seduction (e.g., Littleton and Axsom 2003), acquaintance rape (e.g., Carroll and Clark 2006), and hook ups (Littleton et al. 2009).

Rape scripts are beliefs about the nature of rape (e.g., the location, weaponry, sex of perpetrators), the roles of the sexes in rape, boundaries of vulnerability to rape, and the disposition of the victims (Crome and McCabe 2001). In an early study of rape scripts, Ryan (1988) asked a small number of participants to describe the typical rape and the typical seduction “in as much detail as possible, including what led up to, what happened during, and what followed the events” (p. 239). Participants were also asked to describe the characteristics of the individuals, including their thoughts and feelings. Half of the participants described the rape first and half, the seduction first.

Ryan (1988) content analyzed the scripts based on prior rape research and elements that were commonly repeated in the scripts. Common categories included perceived precondition(s), location(s), and role(s). Results showed that the rape and seduction scripts were very different. Rape scripts resembled a blitz rape. They involved a stranger who was a crazed male, who attacked a woman outdoors, at night, in a sudden and physically violent attack. In contrast, seduction scripts more closely resembled an acquaintance rape (e.g., they were indoors, involved alcohol, and prior conversation). Complete rape and seduction scripts from two of the participants in the original study follow (the first is from a male, the second is from a female) (Ryan 1986):

Rape A woman is walking down (a) road that is poorly lit. Not that many people go that way so it is empty. As she is walking along, a man comes up from behind she (sic) and knocks her down to the ground. At first the woman doesn’t know what’s going on, but soon realizes that there’s a man on top of her ripping her clothes off. She is so terrified that she can’t scream and the man is too strong so she can’t get him off of her. The man is probably a loner with a lot of mental problems who is angered very easily and very frustrated with his life. He lurks around barren places hoping women will come by. The woman could (be) an average business woman on her way home from work, she got out late and so decided to take a short cut and save time. When it’s over the man is temporarily content but will soon become frustrated. It doesn’t bother him on what he did and he wouldn’t think twice. The woman would be mentally tormented for many years. Because of the way women are treated in rape cases, she may be afraid to report it. (Male, 19 years old)

It usually begins with a female who is walking alone at night. No one is around, except a man looking for a victim. He begins to follow her at first keeping at a distance. He waits to see her reactions, does she become nervous, or does she stay calm? If she gets really nervous, she’ll practically be running. Then, he’ll go for the attack.

He’ll grab her putting his hand over her mouth. Depending upon where they are, he may drag her to a more secluded area. He’ll hit her a few times for a warning, and to show who is in control. He’ll hold her hands back, and begin to remove her clothing. As quickly as he can, he’ll force himself into her, as she struggles to prevent the act. She is scared because she does not want to be hurt or killed. He is scared that she’ll fight back or he’ll be caught. Then, he may beat her more to make her unable to run away and get help quickly. She is left scarred emotionally for life, he lives in fear she will get revenge. (Female, 18 years old)

Seduction A man comes up to a woman at a bar. He buys her a drink and starts a conversation with her. If the woman is responsive then he continues and buys her some more drinks. By the end of the night he asks her back to his place. Takes her back and gives her some more to drink. The majority of the time both people feel it’s a “one night stand” and that there is little likelyhood (sic) of them ever meeting again. They probably feel little real emotional attachment and that it is mostly physical. The next morning they say goodbye and the woman leaves, and by the next day may think little about the entire situations. The next weekend, both will do the same thing. Both participants are working people during the week, who are tired, need to get out and have a good time, as well as have some companionship. (Male, 19 years old)

You see a person who is very attractive. Something about them really interests you. They give you a certain look, and they have a mysterious look in their eyes. They’ll walk over to you, and begin to talk to you, introducing themselves. You’ll both talk for a while, and then one of the two will make a suggestion to go somewhere where you’ll be alone—either to go for a walk another room (sic), back to one’s house for a drink, etc. Usually the people do not know much about each other, and seem only interested in a “one night stand.” Infatuation plays a big part. Then, they’ll go back to one’s house. Drinks will be poured, and the setting is very romantic. Then (usually) the man will grab the woman and give her a passionate kiss. Things get heavier, until the couple go all the way. Then they depart, never to see each other again. (Female, 18 years old)

Subsequent research showed the key features of rape scripts are the assailant’s use of physical violence and the victim’s resistance (e.g., Krahé et al. 2007; Littleton and Axsom 2003), as well as negative psychological consequences for the victim (e.g., Littleton et al. 2007). This is often called the real rape script (e.g., Horvath and Brown 2009). The real rape script involves a sudden and physically violent attack on an unsuspecting woman, usually by a stranger. The woman is alone at the time of the attack. She may physically resist the rape or she may be too afraid to resist. There is no doubt that the victim was raped-her only mistake was being in the wrong place at the wrong time. She is devastated after the rape.

Research also showed that unacknowledged rape victims were more likely than acknowledged rape victims to hold a real-rape script (e.g., Bondurant 2001; Kahn et al. 1994). Thus, their belief that rape involved high levels of violence may have led them to label their personal experience with a relatively non-physically violent sexual assault as something other than rape. It is also possible that this belief makes women more vulnerable to sexual predation (Turchik et al. 2010). Turchik and her colleagues asked college women to write about a hypothetical experience with unwanted sexual advances from an acquaintance. Participants were asked a series of questions to elicit details of the script, including how long they knew the perpetrator. Sexual victimization was assessed at two times, at the time they completed their acquaintance rape scripts and 8 weeks later. Script content significantly correlated with the experience of victimization at time two. Women who experienced severe sexual victimization at time two wrote scripts at time one that described an outdoor setting, non-forceful victim resistance, and a perpetrator who was known for less than 1 month. Turchik and her colleagues suggest that “some women may hold scripts that are less consistent with an acquaintance rape, making it less likely for them to recognize important risk cues in contexts that do not fit their idea of a real rape” (pp. 81–82). They believe that women who hold a real rape script may be at risk for sexual assault.

Subsequent research showed that people may have a variety of rape scripts. These scripts include several acquaintance rape scripts: the too-much-to drink script, the man-is-ready-for-sex script, and the friends gone-too-far script (Carroll and Clark 2006). However, some individuals write real rape scripts when asked to write about acquaintance rape (Clark and Carroll 2008; Turchik et al. 2010). Still others do not appear to acknowledge the possibility that rape could occur during casual sexual encounters, like a hook up (Littleton et al. 2009). Thus, the real rape script may be strong and powerful even after years of acquaintance rape-education efforts. The belief that rape involves a sudden and extreme physical attack from a stranger may interfere with the ability to recognize a rape in which an acquaintance uses physical restraint to subdue the victim. If it takes longer for a victim to recognize the intent of the perpetrator, it can make it more difficult to avoid rape (Bart and O’Brien 1985). In addition, women show less forceful resistance for lower level sexual coercion than for rape (Fisher et al. 2007) and forceful physical resistance works better than non-forceful verbal resistance in preventing rape (e.g., Ullman 2007; Ullman and Knight 1991). Thus, if a potential victim misreads a situation, she might use less forceful resistance than necessary and risk being raped. Moreover, the belief in a real rape script may also delay the individual’s ability to define the experience as rape and make it less likely that assistance will be sought (Warshaw 1988).

The predominance of the real rape script may be related to women’s very real fears about rape and the possibility of extreme physical violence and even death (Gordon and Riger 1989). Senn and Dzinas (1996) constructed a Fear of Rape Scale based on prior research. Most of the items dealt with fears of being alone (or in public spaces) late at night and the resultant consequences, including vigilance and behavioral restrictions. Thus, fear of rape is assessed as fear of real rape, not fear of acquaintance rape. Moreover, women’s fear of real rape acts as a master offense heightening their fear of other crimes (Ferraro 1996). Fisher and Sloan (2003) found that college women showed a relatively high fear of rape on campus at night. Fear of rape was associated with constrained behaviors (e.g., carrying keys in a defensive manner, asking someone to walk with them at night, avoiding certain areas on campus). In addition, fear of rape influenced fear of other crimes such as assault and robbery.

Krahé and her colleagues (2007) presented evidence that contemporary adolescents still hold a real rape script, which they called the “real rape stereotype” (p. 316). They described the script for non-consensual intercourse as reflecting several key elements, including the threat of physical force, threat with a weapon, and victim resistance. In comparison to a script for a first sexual encounter, the script for non-consensual intercourse was also distinguished by its location (e.g., more chance meetings, outdoors, at a party), the intention for sex, and perceived greater drug or alcohol consumption by the boy. Moreover, girls were more likely than boys to believe in the real rape stereotype.

Clark and Carroll (2008) studied date rape scripts in college students. They found that men’s and women’s date rape scripts contained many of the same elements (e.g., the man is only interested in sex, the woman is not ready for sex, and the woman is upset). However, women wrote more real rape scripts (which involved physical force, negative victim emotions, and the label of rape) and scripts suggesting consent for early sexual activities (e.g., petting) that were followed by the use of physical force to make the woman do things that made her uncomfortable. In contrast, men wrote more wrong accusation scripts, in which a man was falsely accused of rape because coercion and resistance were verbal and the woman gave in, and party rape scripts, in which alcohol consumption was a major element. Clark and Carroll believe that these gender differences may be because women tend to focus on the victim and her emotions, whereas men may seek to understand the perpetrator’s behavior in the context of mixed signals and the absence of a definitive refusal. Thus, it appears that some date rape scripts are commonly held, whereas others are less commonly held. Moreover, gender differences in date rape scripts may contribute to misunderstanding and sexual coercion (Clark et al. 2009). Very simply, men may believe in a yes/no form of consent, whereas women may see consent as negotiated through an ongoing process that involves a series of gates, in which they are willing to do some things but not others. However, both men and women expect women to be careful in their refusal of sex in order to preserve the man’s face (Frith 2009). Thus, rape scripts can make it more difficult for women to assess an ongoing sexual coercion attempt and to negotiate a tolerable conclusion.

Rape Scripts and Sexual Predation

Most of the research linking rape scripts to participants’ interpretations of their own experience as a rape focuses on female victims of sexual aggression (e.g., Bondurant 2001; Kahn et al. 1994). For example, researchers have sought to understand why some women do not label their personal experience as rape when it clearly matches the legal definition of rape. Rape myths and rape scripts can narrow victims’ definitions of rape and decrease the likelihood that victims will acknowledge an event is rape (Peterson and Muehlenhard 2004). In addition, the presence of an experience that strongly contradicts the real rape script (e.g., a victim’s initial sexual desire) may prevent the application of the rape label to nonconsensual sexual experiences (Peterson and Muehlenhard 2007). It is also possible that victims might resist labeling their experience as rape because of the perceived negative ramifications of being a rape victim, including changes in worldview and view of self (Crome and McCabe 2001). Having a strong real rape script may allow them to escape some of the negative ramifications of being a rape victim. However, belief in the real rape script may also make them more vulnerable to a legally defined rape (Turchik et al. 2010). And, it may not prevent the psychological ramifications of rape victimization (e.g., Koss et al. 1988; McMullin and White 2006). Research shows unacknowledged rape victims experience many of the same negative consequences as those who acknowledged rape.

The role of rape scripts in sexual predation is less well-studied. At the level of culture, rape scripts may become instructional guides, defining the nature and parameters of a just world (Crome and McCabe 2001). I have argued (Ryan 2004) that acquaintance rapists and convicted sex offenders have a common belief system that includes rape myths, other rape-supportive beliefs (e.g., adversarial sex, hyper-sexuality), and sexual scripts. These beliefs encourage sexual narcissism, allow for victim blame, and the minimization and denial of rape. Rape myths may lead to sexual scripts that are reinforced by fantasy and enacted in rape. These sexual scripts may involve a seduction or a rape and they may be an important link in the connection between rape myths and sexual aggression.

However, there is little research on the rape and seduction scripts of sexually aggressive (and non-aggressive) men. As far as I know, researchers have not asked sexually aggressive men for their sexual scripts. Instead, rape script research in men frequently focuses on overt verbalizations and behaviors that imply the presence of scripts. For example, Beauregard et al. (2007b) used a script approach to describe the hunting process engaged in by serial sex offenders. They interviewed convicted sex offenders. They assumed that sex offending is a product of rational choice in which decisions are made about where to search for potential victims, the techniques that can be used to disable victims, and techniques for later victim release. These accounts were characterized by a hunting model, an apt metaphor when one considers the amount of time many sex offenders spent prowling for victims.

In later research, using interviews and police records, Beauregard and colleagues (Beauregard et al. 2007a; Deslauriers-Varin and Beauregard 2010) found six scripts among sex offenders (three scripts with two tracks each); however, some of the scripts were primarily for pedophiles (those with younger victims). The location of encounter was an important distinguishing feature in most scripts (i.e., indoors versus outdoors). The four rape scripts were home intrusion, home invasion (using trust to enter the home), coercive-outdoors, and social or recreational onsite attacks. Approximately half of the offenders were willing to use multiple scripts. The offenses of the convicted serial sex offenders often matched a real rape script (e.g., involving a sudden assault, using threats and violence, taking place outside or when a woman was home alone). More importantly, two key script elements, location and role, appeared to be strong indicators of different rape scripts. Is it possible that enacting a real rape script makes offenders at greater risk for detection, conviction, and punishment? The real rape script might be an important part of the legal and criminal justice systems’ responses to an alleged rape.

Kanin (1975) studied men who were not incarcerated for sexual offenses. He interviewed sexually aggressive college men about their experience with sexual aggression. He did not ask for their sexual scripts, but the stories they told held several script elements. For example, sexual aggression was usually preceded by consensual sexual foreplay, while later refusals were ignored. Sexual foreplay may be one precondition for the acceptable use of force in some sexually aggressive men. This may allow the acquaintance rapist to hold the woman to be responsible for her victimization. Do these men believe that men cannot stop once they have become sexually aroused? This rape myth may be part of a personal, instrumental script that results in acquaintance rape. In addition, several men mentioned rape myths such as female provocation and female promiscuity. These myths also suggest potential precursors for sexual aggression. Finally, other men suggested that sexual aggression was an apt punishment for a teasing or exploitative woman, which suggests the possibility that they held a rape script (for a justifiable rape).

In a later article, Kanin (1985) described date rapists as sexual predators who employed a variety of techniques to gain sexual access including “drugging, extortion, fraud, and lying” (p. 223). Sexual preoccupation is a major predictor of sexual coercion (e.g., Clark et al. 2009). Kanin found that date rapists were relatively more likely than controls to attempt to intoxicate a female with drugs or alcohol, frequently profess love, promise to further the relationship, and threaten to terminate the relationship. These sexual coercion techniques have been found by many other researchers (e.g., Byers and O’Sullivan 1996) and suggest that some individuals believe that it is acceptable to coerce sex. Moreover, sexually aggressive men may seek peer group support for their behavior (Schwartz and DeKeseredy 1997) and they may obtain a degree of status from coercing sex with an unwilling female (Kanin 1967). Kanin found that sexually coercive men believed that prestige was obtained for coercing sex from gold diggers and teasers. In addition, a variety of verbal justifications were offered that stigmatized the victim, especially her prior sexual experience. Thus, several rape myths allowed for forceful sex (or justifiable rape) scripts in sexually aggressive men. The establishment of certain preconditions, the presence of certain locations, and the assumption of certain roles produce a sequence of events that can result in rape.

Sexual script research supports several of the myths reviewed by Edwards and her colleagues (2011) and those present in rape myth measures (e.g., Bohner et al. 2009; Burt 1980; Feild and Bienen 1980; Payne et al. 1999). For example, the presence of the wrong accusation acquaintance rape script in men, especially among students at a military academy, may be reflective of the myth that women lie about rape (Carroll and Clark 2006; Clark and Carroll 2008). Embedded in this script is the presumption that the victim did not show sufficient resistance to verbal coercion tactics and eventually consented. This could reflect a myth related to the real rape script (that rape must involve overt physical force and physical resistance). This belies the nature of much date rape, which is often less physically violent than stranger rape and may involve verbal resistance (e.g., Koss et al. 1988; Warshaw 1988). The real rape script might arise from and contribute to the religious, historical, and legal injunctions presented by Edwards and her colleagues.

The presence of a party acquaintance rape script indicates the possibility that some may believe that alcohol could be implicated in acquaintance rape and it might reflect the myth that women ask to be raped, because of their own complicity or negligence. Edwards and her colleagues noted research on the role of provocative dress and excessive alcohol or drug use in perceived victim culpability. Alcohol use may make the perpetrator appear to be less responsible and the victim, more responsible for rape (e.g., Richardson and Campbell 1982; Sims et al. 2007). It also may be used by acquaintance rapists to minimize and deny their own rape. The belief that alcohol use reduces rapist culpability is found in several measures of rape myths (e.g., Burt 1980; Payne et al. 1999).

One rape myth not reviewed by Edwards and her colleagues that is suggested by script research is the myth that men cannot stop themselves once they have become sexually aroused (blue balls). This is one of the four major types of rape myths (called exonerating the perpetrator) cited by Bohner and his colleagues (2009) and it is a subscale on the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (Payne et al. 1999). This myth holds that men are very sexual and they cannot control their sexual behavior. As previously noted, it may be a belief in some sexually aggressive men. It may also be responsible for some victims eventually consenting to unwanted sex (e.g., Gavey 2005).

A second rape myth not reviewed by Edwards and her colleagues that is also present in rape scripts is the myth that rapists are obviously different from other men (e.g., mentally sick, sexually frustrated, not normal) (Feild 1978; Payne et al. 1999). This belief is even stronger in real rape scripts, in which very negative descriptions of rapists are common (e.g., “obviously psychologically disoriented,” “a demented weirdo,” and “A sick person-usually a druggie or heavy boozer or something (sic) won’t be able to have a woman because he is so gross”) (Ryan 1986). The socially skilled predator may be able to con himself and potential victims because he does not resemble the myth of the obviously different rapist. This myth may also impact the legal and criminal justice systems’ responses to an alleged rapist.

The Role of the Media in Rape Myths and Sexual Scripts

Edwards and her colleagues (2011) note the importance of the media in promoting rape myths. Mass media may also help to structure sexual scripts (McCormick 2010b). These sexual scripts include the beliefs that sex defines masculinity, heterosexual men objectify women, and heterosexual men are sexually preoccupied (Kim et al. 2007). In contrast, women are seen as sexual gatekeepers and negatively judged for their sexual conduct. This is especially true in television sitcoms. Do these media-induced sexual scripts feed upon rape myths that endorse female culpability for sexual aggression and forgive male sexual coercion? Edwards and her colleagues (2011) believe that the media support rape myths. The media may also foster rape through the sexual scripts they provide.

One medium that provides sexual scripts is hardcore pornography. Consuming pornography can influence people’s sexual knowledge, attitudes, and behavior, as well as their perceptions of the opposite sex (Hald and Malamuth 2008). Although pornography consumption may provide positive benefits, it might also have negative consequences. Pornography consumption is associated with sexual coercion in college men (e.g., Bouffard 2010; Carr and VanDeusen 2004). Research has shown that the use of pornography (especially the use of violent pornography) is correlated with sexual coercion and a variety of related measures, including rape myth acceptance (e.g., Hald et al. 2010; Malamuth et al. 2000). However, recent research suggests that, “it may be that the effects of pornography are important for some individuals but not for others and that they may be relatively powerful only as they interact with some other factors” (Malamuth et al. 2000; p 19).

Malamuth and his colleagues (e.g., Kingston et al. 2009; Vega and Malamuth 2007) described a confluence model in which sexual aggression was predicted by the interaction between several factors. These factors include hostile masculinity, the desire for impersonal sex, and general hostility. Hostile masculinity includes several rape-supportive beliefs such as rape myth acceptance, adversarial sexual beliefs, hostility toward women, and dominance motives for sex. Malamuth and his colleagues (e.g., Malamuth et al. 2000; Vega and Malamuth 2007) found that pornography use was associated with sexual aggression only for men who were at high risk as indicated by the confluence model. In addition, bivariate correlations indicated significant relationships between pornography use and rape myth acceptance and between pornography use and sexual aggression (Vega and Malamuth 2007).

Kingston and his colleagues (2009) suggest that pornography may act two ways to increase sexual aggression. It might provide models of behavior that are observed and imitated. It might also prime rape myth attitudes and negative beliefs about certain women (e.g., loose women, whores). This could be especially likely for men at risk in the confluence model: those who hold hostile attitudes toward women and female sexuality, those who desire impersonal sex, and those who have hostile and impulsive personalities. Moreover, the influence may be bi-directional (Kingston et al. 2009; Malamuth et al. 2000). Sexually aggressive men may be more attracted to violent media. Thus, as suggested by Edwards and her colleagues (2011), rape myths do not have to be widely held to impact society negatively. Rape myths in sexually aggressive individuals may allow them to construct sexual scripts that result in rape.

Questions for Future Research

  • We need to learn more about the processes underlying rape myths and sexual scripts. Why do rape myths persevere in the face of their untruth? And, how do culture, gender, and age influence rape myths and sexual scripts?

  • Are rape myths inevitable in a patriarchal society because they allow for the construction of sexual scripts that facilitate sexual aggression? Will new myths replace old myths? Are some myths more intransigent than others?

  • Do acquaintance rapists hold different scripts than non-aggressive individuals or convicted sex offenders? Are there acknowledged and unacknowledged rapists and do they differ in their rape myths and sexual scripts? Moreover, exactly how do rape myths relate to the sexual and rape scripts that allow for rape? Do rape myths offer protection for sexually licentious people because their behavior does not match their rape scripts? Or, do some sexually aggressive individuals enact rape scripts that are justified by rape myths?

  • Can people be influenced by rape myths even if they don’t believe them? Research on stereotype threat shows that even disbelieved stereotypes can inhibit the performance of stereotype targets (Steele et al. 2002). Are the priming effects of rape myths and concomitant sexual scripts limited to those who believe them or might they influence non-believers? Can a few people who believe rape myths have an impact greater than their number? And, does the knowledge that others believe rape myths influence the behavior of those who do not hold these myths?

In conclusion, the current paper suggests that rape myths may influence sexual scripts in some individuals. These individuals may be those most vulnerable to victimization and those who are sexually aggressive. It is suggested that future research study rape and seduction scripts in non-aggressive and sexually aggressive individuals, including convicted offenders and those who are undetected acquaintance rapists (both acknowledged and unacknowledged rapists). The study of rape myths and sexual scripts could help to elucidate the relationship between them and to further describe the social construction of rape. Finally, this research must attend to the influence of culture, gender, and age on rape myths and sexual scripts.