Introduction

Older immigrants are a varied group with different nationalities, educational backgrounds, family histories, religions and diverse migration histories. The immigrant status, such as refugee, repatriate or amenity-led migrant, shapes the way older immigrants face the new society. Compared to native-born older adults they are more likely to live in poverty (Szelez and Tache 2008) and are thus in danger of being excluded in many ways: socially, economically and emotionally (see Scharf et al. 2005). Social anxiety and a poor capacity to access and interact with society combined with the legal system, political atmosphere and economy of the host country shape the resources for immigrant elders. They often face the challenges of old age with fewer resources than their native-born counterparts (Jackson et al. 2005; Longino and Warnes 2005; Warnes et al. 2004). Immigration in old age increases a person’s vulnerability to social exclusion while it reduces the possibility to integrate and orient to the rules, regulations, culture and the language of the host society. According to the double jeopardy hypothesis, older immigrants are in danger of facing multiple risks caused by their age and immigration status. Adding gender to this hypothesis, old immigrant women can be described through the triple jeopardy hypothesis (Blakemore and Boneham 1994).

Finland can be portrayed as a country that has been quite homogeneous with regard to the ethnic composition of its inhabitants. The minority of Swedish speaking inhabitants, approximately 6% of the total population, are entitled to receive services in Swedish. This minority group has a high standard of living; they are healthier and they live longer than their Finnish-speaking counterparts (Ministry of Social Affairs and Health 2001a; Hyyppä and Liikanen 2005). Other traditional cultural and linguistic minority groups in the country are approximately 7000 Sami people and 10000 Roma. The Roma are quite a disadvantaged group and face discrimination and racism. (Ministry of Social Affairs And Health 2001b,c; Nyyssönen 2007.)

The number of immigrants in the country is small compared with other European or Nordic countries. During the past two decades, Finland has changed its position from a point of departure to a point of destination. Today foreign citizens account for approximately 3% of the population (5 375 276), totalling 167 954. The language statistics show that 90.4% of the population speaks Finnish as their native language, 5.4% Swedish, 1.01% Russia and 0.03% Sámi. The other big language groups are Estonian, Somali and English speaking groups. The average age of the immigrants is considerably lower than that of the population as a whole, with about 5% of the immigrants being aged 65+, compared with approximately 18% of the total population. (Annual report on immigration 2010; Statistics Finland 2010.)

Even 70% of the Russian-speaking immigrants have repatriate status, which reflects the Finnish origin. The status must be authenticated attesting that either the applicants themselves, at least one of their parents or two of their grandparents are/were of Finnish nationality (Kyntäjä 1999). Repatriation was guaranteed by the Finnish government in 1990. As for language competence, repatriates face problems in negotiating with complex bureaucracies, for example social services. Their writing skills are often rudimentary and the dialect they use is different from standard Finnish in its pronunciation and vocabulary (Voutilainen et al. 2003; see Liebkind et al. 2004). Since 2003 the repatriates from the former Soviet Union have had to pass the preparation course for the language test arranged by the Finnish government. Acquiring Finnish citizenship requires proven knowledge of the Finnish language (Aliens Act 2004).

Reasons for moving to Finland are mostly similar to the aspirations that have stimulated international migration, such as material aspects, improved opportunities and quality of life. One of the repatriates` reasons for migrating to Finland is to maintain their national identity (Kokko 1997). In the empirical material used in this study the older immigrants have all migrated in old age from the area of former Soviet Union. They are not labour migrants or refugees and can not be called amenity-led migrants either. It is their working aged children who have moved after better opportunities for life in Finland and the first generation has been more or less forced to join them. The older interviewees have repatriate status or other close ethnic connections to Finland.

The history of Finland’s wars with the Soviet Union between 1939 and 1945 continues to affect the attitudes towards Russians. The repatriates are, despite their Finnish ethnic background, considered to be Russians. Especially among older Finnish generations the depressing memories and losses of the war are still deep, and repatriates and other immigrants from the former Soviet Union feel that they are treated with hostility in Finland (Liebkind et al. 2004). Such attitudes towards older repatriates and those other older immigrants who move from the area of the former Soviet Union affect their integration process and increase the probability of encountering social and emotional exclusion. The purpose of the study is to determine to what extent older immigrants of the study face social and/or emotional exclusion. That is studied exploring the lifestyles and everyday practices of older immigrants with a special interest in their intergenerational relationships in Finland.

Social Exclusion, a Versatile Concept

At the end of the 1990s, social exclusion became a central concept in the context of the European Union in discussions concerning inequality and social policy in Europe, especially the breaking of social ties and the marginalization of groups in relation to the nation. Social exclusion involves multidimensional, relative and accumulative aspects and is related to income poverty and deprivation without being synonymous with them. Poverty in the context of social exclusion has been defined as a lack of income it can bee distinct explicitly from the social exclusion. But if poverty is understood as a lack of resources or necessities the definition comes closer to concept social exclusion. Poverty and inactivity in social participation have a strong connection but income poverty alone does not necessarily lead to exclusion from social relations (Atkinson and Davoudi 2000; Barry 2002; Burchardt 2000; Byrne 2005; Hobcraft 2002; Levitas 2000; Szelez and Tache 2008; Sen 2000).

The British PSE (Poverty and Social Exclusion) survey, launched in 2000, distinguished four dimensions of exclusion: exclusion from resources or adequate income; labour market exclusion; service exclusion; and exclusion from social relations. The attention to social relations was pioneered by that survey, and it has since been an important dimension in further distinctions of social exclusion (Levitas et al. 2000). Another approach to illustrate social exclusion reflects the abilities the individual should have to be able to participate in social activities of society. The approach has mainly been used in research and policy documents focusing on the necessities of children or young adults, paying attention, for example, to attachment to the labour market (Burchardt et al. 2002).

In 2002 Scharf and his colleagues distinguished in the research programme “Growing older” a social exclusion theory which concentrates on social exclusion in 60+ aged people. The domains: exclusion from social relations; neighbourhood exclusion; exclusion from civic activities; and exclusion from basic services are judged to be most relevant to those old people who live in a deprived urban neighbourhood. All these dimensions include elements of poverty, the importance of social (support) networks and patterns of support, social participation and the contribution of environmental factors (Scharf et al. 2005). The PSE survey was also used to study British pensioners’ poverty and social exclusion rate using the three dimensions mentioned above: labour market exclusion, service exclusion and exclusion from social relations. The indicators used in the PSE survey and in the studies by Scharf et al. are similar to some extent: they reveal the most apparent dimensions and causes that are crucial for research upon old people and social exclusion. The absence and insufficiency of necessary public and private services in the area where older pensions live affect their chances to use those services. Also economic disadvantages, disability and problems with health affect the usage of services. (Patsios 2006.) Scharf et al.’s study attests how living in a deprived urban area reduces the use of services within (gas, electricity, telephone, water) and beyond (post office, chemist, bus service) the home (Scharf et al. 2005). In PSE survey exclusion from social relations, such as social interaction with family and friends or other social activities consists of non-participation in common social activities; isolation; lack of support; disengagement and confinement. Exclusion from participation in social activities was related to the amount of money the person had to use for such activity, but the rate of activity is also affected by loneliness, social isolation and inability to participate. In Scharf et al.’s study participation in civic activities was measured by asking about attendance at religious meetings and community groups (Scharf et al. 2005; Patsios 2006). Social isolation means contact with social networks; friends, family and neighbourhood. Expecting practical and emotional care from family members and friends indicates the dimension of lack of social support. Voting or club memberships reflect civil and political disengagement. (Patsios 2006.) Confinement describes the possibility to get out of the home. The results show how poorer, older and single old people as well as those who live in deprived urban areas are socially excluded in many different ways. (Patsios 2006; Scharf et al. 2005).

The connection between ethnic background and social exclusion was revealed in Scharf et al.’s (2005) study of three English cities. Results showed that multiple social exclusion correlated significantly with the respondents` ethnic background. Pakistani and Somali elders were excluded from the material resources, social relations and basic services domains. Elders of Indian and Black Caribbean origin were less likely to be excluded on most dimensions of exclusion (Scharf et al. 2005). Immigration changes the networks between friends, relatives, family members and other supportive networks, and this may weaken social support in the host country (Aranda and Miranda 1997; Plawecki 2000; Wilmoth and Chen 2003). A study of older Albanians, who lived in a village separated from their migrated children, showed that they did not want to leave the village for the sake of family unification. The feeling of strong social cohesion among older people in the village was so important for them (Vullnetari and King 2008). Through labour or school systems, younger immigrants have a better opportunity to create more significant peer networks compared to older immigrants (Jackson et al. 2005; Katz 2009; Longino and Warnes 2005; Warnes et al. 2004).

For them, social exclusion only means lack of work which in itself may result into several other dimensions of exclusion (Atkinson and Davoudi 2000) but is more possible to change, for example, by moving or studying compared to older immigrants for whom the situation is not as fluid (see Scharf et al. 2005). Acquisition of the host country’s language is one aspect that may affect the vulnerability of facing social exclusion. Language acquisition is salient for immigrants in providing better opportunities for integration and attachment to society (Barresi 1987; Lubben and Bacerra 1987); it enables social participation and counteracts exploitation and mistreatment (Massey et al. 1994).

Method

Description of data

The data for the study were obtained from five three-generation families. All the respondents had lived in the former Soviet Union before moving to Finland, and they have spoken Russian or Ukrainian. They had moved to Finland between the years 1997 and 2003. Three of the eldest generation respondents had Finnish roots; their parents were born in Finland. Four out of five of the eldest respondents were women aged over 72 years. All of them are so called later life migrants without any work history in Finland. Three of the eldest were living alone while one was living with a spouse and one with a daughter. The eldest generation respondents suffer from several chronic diseases but are able to live independently and carry out all the activities of everyday life themselves. According to socioeconomic status the oldest respondents had the lowest pension rate. Language skills differed between the respondents: two of them have no Finnish skills. One has quite good skills and two get along in Finnish, but they need help with writing the language. Four of the second generation respondents were females and one was male. Most of them have good skills in Finnish and two have quite good skills. Three out of the third generation respondents were females and two were males. Two were at school and living with their parents. Three have good skills in Finnish and two have quite good skills.

The respondents were found through the contacts of a Russian-speaking service helper, who worked in a project that developed services for the older immigrants. A special challenge was to get an approval from all the family members. Another challenge was to listen, accept and consider equally all the perspectives of the happenings of life and feelings that appeared and were told or/and remembered differently between the members of the same family. The pleasurable and disagreeable aspects of the relationships in the family came up too and confidentiality between participants and the researcher was salient. Confidentiality between the researcher and the interviewee was approved by a research authorisation and it was also discussed about at the beginning of interviews (Forbat and Henderson 2003). Interviews were conducted during 2006–2008. All but two interviews were conducted in Finnish. These two exceptions were conducted in Russian with the assistance of a native Russian-speaking bilingual interpreter. Most of the interviews occurred in the participants’ homes, four in a clubroom, two in a cafeteria and one in a library. All the interviews were face-to-face interviews lasting for approximately 2 hours with the eldest generation, 1 to 2 hours with the middle generation and 1 hour with the grandchildren. All the elderly respondents were interviewed twice, the last time being in 2008. All the interviews were taped and transcribed. Qualitative methods allow the researcher to concentrate on the processes families use in creating and sustaining their own family realities, and also give an opportunity to view families as groups that construct shared meanings (Daly 1992). Through face-to-face interviews with different generations it was possible to determine what kinds of insights the members of the families have into the everyday life of the oldest generation. How respondents negotiate relationships and their roles in the family.

The primary objective of this study is to determine to what extent older immigrants face social exclusion? How have they arranged their everyday lives in a new home country in interaction with the second and third generation?

The interviews began with background questions regarding age, motive for migration, and the place from which respondents moved to Finland, family history, family relations and living arrangements. The elderly respondents were asked about their daily routines requesting them to describe a typical day in their lives. They were asked to indicate the activities they have outside the home. They were also asked who visits them, whom they themselves visit and how often, and what these visits include. The second and third generation respondents were asked about their daily routines and about how they think their (grand) mother/(grand) father spends his/her time and in what kinds of activities he/she takes part. They were also asked about how often they visit or call their mother /father and what these visits consist of.

The interviews were analyzed using content analysis. Preparing the ground for analysis began by reading and annotating the interviews (Dey 1993). In the first step of the analysis the data are based on the older immigrants’ satisfaction and dissatisfaction with everyday practices with a special interest in their family relationships. The purpose is to identify factors that cause happiness and satisfaction in everyday life in the Finnish society. These factors reflect the extent of inclusion. Factors that are annoying in everyday life reflect vulnerability to social exclusion. The sources of satisfaction and dissatisfaction refer to what kind of social activity or support is meaningful to offer by society for this immigrant group. It also reveals the patterns and implications of the bounds between generations. The next step in the analysis was to assign categories to the data. This included creating categories, and splitting and splicing the data (Dey 1993; Neuendorf 2002). In this study views of satisfaction and dissatisfaction were split into smaller categories that include the factors both ideas were constructed of. Each category was further organised (Morse 1994; Janesick 2003) and named according to the dimensions that emerged in each category.

The following four main categories were formed as a result of the analysis, and they contain some of the domains included in the social exclusion theories (Scharf et al. 2005; Patsios 2006) discussed above. The first category, “Safety and well-being in life” emphasizes financial well-being, living conditions and the feelings of safety in the host country. It also includes obstacles to and difficulties in settling down and living in the Finnish society. The second category, “Activities of everyday life” describes the things society offers to immigrant elders in terms of civic activities. The third category, “Together with the three-generation family” illustrates the reasons for the three-generation families to move to Finland and especially the nature of everyday family relationships. The fourth category, “Real friendships and longing to go back”, concentrates on emotions and feelings older immigrants experience in everyday life. The second and third categories illustrate the domains of social relationships and civic activities, also mentioned in both exclusion theories (Scharf et al. 2005; Patsios 2006). The first category reflects the economic situation that is related to exclusion in many ways but it also contains emotional factors that can be related to social exclusion and/or emotional exclusion. The fourth category again reflects social relationships in terms of friendship ties and feelings of longing, expressing emotional exclusion among older immigrants.

The Results section includes verbatim excerpts from the data. To protect respondents’ confidentiality the excerpts are marked only with generations (G1, G2 and G3). In the quotes the daughter/son has sometimes been replaced with the son/daughter to protect the identity of the respondents and to avoid the identification within the generation bond.

Results

Safety and well-being in life

The prevailing impression in the interviews was satisfaction with the necessities of everyday life. The respondents described their living in Finland by comparing their current situation to their former home environment. Good living conditions, clean environment and the feeling of safety were mentioned as elements of satisfaction. Safety was highlighted as a feeling in life that has an influence on moving around in the neighbourhood and on trusting other people, even if the respondents live in an area that is commonly considered the most restless in the city. Safety was appreciated as a Finnish phenomenon as the following comment illustrates:

In Finland even the renovators can come in and do their work even though the owners are away. In my former home country you have to keep an eye on them. Over there its usual to have heavy exterior doors without glasses, and it is dangerous in the stairway. Here I never need to be afraid. (G1)

The respondents lived in council flats. The convenience of the warm home, hot water and electricity were key issues. When the respondents had moved to Finland, they only had a few items such as curtains or kitchen utensils with them. The furniture and other necessities had been obtained from a recycling centre or bought from the flea market. They have thus built a completely new home environment for themselves. When visiting many different homes I realized that the apartments had the basic necessities, but the conditions were often quite poor. The respondents reported that they enjoyed living in the flat but they were not aware of whom to contact for maintenance. One respondent described his father’s reaction when they saw their apartment for the first time:

When we saw the apartment for the first time, my father said: “OOOh, the third floor, there is a bathtub and a balcony and it is clean. There are two different cellars, one warm and one cold.... (G2)

The father was extremely satisfied with the flat. Happy comments about the amenities of the new homes, safety and cleanliness of the environment were typical of respondents. The second generation respondents also emphasised the living arrangements and the feeling of safety for themselves as well as for the other generations. They expressed their emotions through concrete examples, such as it is safe for the children to go to school, and that the air and the streets are clean. They also felt that it was good for the mother/father to live in Finland because of all these satisfying elements in life. But even though the feeling of satisfaction is a true emotion, there might be a need for immigrants to idealise the situation. The idealisation of a new environment makes it easier to accept the big change in life. The positive talk of cleanness and safety may disguise problematic things, such as poor language skills, discrimination or social exclusion.

Respondents’ dissatisfying experiences of the Finnish society are strongly related to experiences of discrimination. It is said that unsympathetic attitudes are usually associated with asylum seekers and refugees, but the history of the war (1939–45) between Finland and the Soviet Union continues to have a powerful effect on the attitudes towards Russians and repatriates from the former Soviet Union. In 1943–1944, 63,000 people of Finnish background were transferred to Finland from the area of Leningrad (St. Petersburg), which was being besieged by the Germans. During the Interim Peace between Finland and the Soviet Union between the years 1944–1945, 55,000 people were transferred back to the Soviet Union (Flink 2008; Nevalainen 1992). The repatriates have always been treated as an ethnic minority group; in their former home country and now in Finland. It is difficult to assess how these feelings affect the elderly immigrants` integration into and commitment to the Finnish society as they have not had the feeling of integration in the past. A male respondent compared his feelings as an outsider in the past in Russia, no matter what he did, to those in the present in Finland:

In Russia you had to be a better worker than the others, because if you had turned out to be worse compared to others they would have nicknamed you a useless Finn… Now in Finland I am treated as a Russian. (G1)

The background of the repatriates and Russians is revealed by their accent even if their Finnish was fluent. Also the names of the immigrants and repatriates reveal their background. This leads to unsympathetic mistreatment, irrespective of the ethnic background of the person. One respondent was born in Canada to Finnish parents. The family had moved in search of better living circumstances to Russia when the respondent was one year old. She felt especially hurt when she was called a Russian. She felt strongly that her national identity is Finnish or Canadian rather than Russian. She carried a Canadian passport with her to prove her identity, even if she had had a Russian husband, and she had lived 71 years in Russia. The following quote illustrates her feelings:

A woman with whom I often sit and talk and who came to me and asked if I could hang her laundry on the clothesline. …Then this man came to visit her… He asked who is living there (in my present apartment) now and she answered: “A Russian woman”. I stood up and thought what the hell, a Russian! I am not a Russian. And I left.

Have you met her after that?

Yes, and I have hung her laundry on the clothesline. She is an old person. If I am there I am Russian, damn near she didn’t call me a Ryssä (an insulting nickname for Russians). (G1)

Because the elderly immigrants in this study have immigrated in old age they do not have any work history in Finland. Sometimes they are blamed for exploiting society’s resources; the reactions can be blatantly prejudiced, expressed bluntly:

We (the interviewee and other repatriates from the former USSR) were sitting on a bench outside and this man came from that direction. When he was close enough he started shouting to us, “You Ryssät, you have come here but have you ever worked?” We went in and the man came under my window and shouted there. Listen, Sari, everybody hates all of us who have come from Russia. I can feel it. I do not know why, I can’t say. (G1)

To be “treated as Russians” in Finland or called by the nickname “ryssä” demonstrated to the respondents that they are not accepted or wanted in the host country. They actually have no place where they can live just as citizens, without being a representative of an unpleasant minority group. Even if they know the language or look like Finns or Russians, they are still not equal with the native Finns or Russians, but are to some extent aliens in both countries (see Liebkind and Jasinskaja-Lahti 2001). As old people they do not have the same resources as younger people to reach acceptance in society.

Being an active member of society is highly dependent on a person’s language skills. Without language skills or with weak language skills elderly immigrants rely on their children or grandchildren (Kauh 1997). The informants had varied competence in Finnish and even those who speak well use a dialect that is rather different from standard Finnish. The second generation has the biggest responsibility for filling in all the official papers concerning living and getting social benefits. In the area where the respondents are living a nongovernmental organization provides the opportunity to get help from a Russian-speaking person. She offers help with various matters; she calls the service buss, makes a dentist’s appointment, helps with financial issues in the bank and in the pharmacy. She will accompany a client to a doctor’s appointment and make phone calls on behalf of a client. This help has been valuable for many older Russian-speaking immigrants and repatriates, especially for those living without family connections and for those whose children are at work and thus unable to take care of the appointments or phone calls during the daytime. For older immigrants it is important to have someone to accompany them especially to a doctor’s appointment. They need clarification or repetition of the discussion and the doctor’s advice after the appointment and someone who understands cultural differences and their way of thinking. According to law, immigrants have an entitlement to use the services of an official interpreter in the dealings with the authorities (Lukkarinen 2001) but this entitlement can not always be fulfilled because of the difficulty to get an interpreter.

The lack of Finnish language skills caused discord and role changes in the families as younger generations are needed to take care of many things (see Vega et al. 1991; Warnes 2006.). Coming to a new country and language environment in old age can make living hard; no language skills may mean no friends, especially if the community is small in number. The situation in terms of the size of the community is different for example in Germany, where there are nearly 2 million Turks, with around 139000 of them in the area of Berlin alone (White 1997). Also in the USA, which has a big Chinese community as well as other large ethnic communities it is possible to communicate with a large number of people in one’s own language and make friends. A study of the emotional needs of elderly Americans of Central and Eastern European background explored the respondents in their interaction with their environment, the family, the ethnic community and the American society. The need for family closeness was expressed in the study with high frequency of contact with children. The findings imply the importance of family ties for older immigrants. They also emphasize the importance of a familiar milieu for elderly immigrants to fulfil their needs for love. Active social network adds safety and feelings of self-esteem (Thoits 1983). If there is no such network available, there are no places to go for a visit either. The situation easily leads to loneliness and social exclusion. The only solution may be to move back to one’s familiar environment. This had happened to one respondent whose husband moved to Finland, but suffered so much from his lack of language skills, homesickness and inactivity that he returned to Russia.

He said he didn’t enjoy the life here. He didn’t know the language and he was the kind of person who always needed to do something and there was nothing for him to do. He was just walking from one corner to another and he was depressed. He said he’ll go back to Russia. And I said that I won’t go anywhere. Having moved here and thought it through, I won’t leave, and so we divorced. We did not have any quarrels or anything. He just left and I stayed here. (G1)

The decision was hard for both spouses, and it actually made both of them lonely, wife here and husband there. The wife reported that the situation after the husband had moved was very hard for her. She spent six years alone visiting and contacting through letters, postcards and phone calls with family members in the former home country until her daughter and her family moved to Finland. The second generation associates language acquisition with their mother’s/father’s integration rate. They realize how difficult it is to learn a new language in old age:

So, I can say that I am happy that she has become integrated. It is a pity that she started to study the language too late. It is the only thing that vexes me. For a younger person it is easier to move to another country. (G2)

The worry about poor language skills is related to the growing needs of the first generation especially in the future when more help is needed in everyday practices. The lack of language skills restricts the independent use of the services available and needed. This requires more time for the second generation to use for the welfare of their parents.

Activities of everyday life

The area where the respondents live offers civic activities for immigrants, such as language courses and choir practice and/or a discussion club. There is also an international meeting point for women where they can study Finnish or just drop in. These opportunities give immigrants a chance to participate in different clubs and courses in an accepting environment. Many of the first generation respondents had found these activities and were actively involved. The third generation described the life of their grandparents as “busy”. They were wondering how the grandmother/grandfather can be so busy even though he/she is a retiree. At the same time they themselves were relieved of these activities that gave a chance for the grandparents to meet other people and spend time outside the home. The feeling is highlighted by the following response by a grandchild:

…nowadays I can’t understand why she is always so busy and has no time to do all the things. It’s a bit difficult to understand because after all, she is a retiree. Of course because she is old and does everything more slowly and everything is more difficult, it takes time. At least she studies Finnish. She has a great motivation to study, although she is so old. It is a great thing that she tries. (G3)

For some respondents, religious organizations and the church play an important role in arranging civic activities such as discussion groups, language groups and other activities, and offering a support network. Participation in activities arranged by the parish does not require belonging to that certain church. For some respondents the church has become more important after immigration. The first generation respondents have the experience of either practising religion in secret or not practising it at all. Most of the repatriates turn to the Finnish Evangelical Lutheran church, which is the largest church in Finland. They usually find the church important to their identity as Finns, and many have relatives who belonged to this church earlier. The second generation and those who had moved with a repatriate spouse but are themselves not repatriates, tend to turn to the other national church, the Finnish Orthodox Church. Before moving to Finland the attitude towards religion may have been somewhat ambivalent. The children and grandchildren are wondering about and trying to explain the change. The following quote is an example of it:

Here in Finland she goes to church fairly often, but there she didn’t do that. Here she maybe feels that she is nearer to God or tries to be and there in the church she has friends. I remember now that there are other old Russian women in the church. (G3)

As is seen from the quote above, going to church has several meanings; activating participants on many levels, friendship and religion itself. Church, especially the Evangelic Lutheran church has organised various activities. Typical of these activities is that repatriates as well as other immigrants are spending time in groups of their own while the native inhabitants have their own groups.

Together with the three-generation family

The motives for migration are varied and sometimes very pragmatic, such as worries for the future, making use of better opportunities for children, hopes for economic success and a desire to reunite with kin who had emigrated earlier (see Baldassar 2007; Ho 2008). The reasons are often explained by saying: “For the sake of the family” (Yeoh et al. 2002: 1). The willingness to live close to each other as a three-generation family was an important motive for the migration decision of the first generation in all the cases in this study. The second and third generations have had an important role in the immigration process; they may have set the whole process in motion.

Because I’ve always had this idea that my grandmother is Finnish and she speaks Finnish, but she never spoke Finnish with us. I know that she speaks it but she never uses the language. I thought she simply must go to Finland. (G3)

The first generation has not in every case shared their families` decision to immigrate. One family was living in Kazakhstan, and the daughter started to think about the possibility to move to Finland, for a better life. She talked to her mother about it but the mother refused at first. After thinking for a while she changed her mind, and now she is grateful to her daughter, which can be seen in the following quote.

Now I am so grateful and I pray every day that how my daughter got the idea of coming here and taking us with her. (G1)

The quote above indicates the Finnish origin in the family: the Finnish roots of the elders made it possible for other family members to come to Finland as well. The respondents had one overriding reason to move to Finland and that was “better life changes”. All the second generation respondents emphasized the advantages of migration for themselves as well as for their mother/father and children.

The contacts between generations are frequent, although the second generation respondents mentioned living busy lives. Spending free time with the children and grandchildren involved discussions, watching TV, eating and celebrating together. The number of face-to-face contacts with the first generation during one week varied from none to several. If there were no face-to-face contacts, there would be telephone calls. The second generation respondents cited busy lives as the reason for not spending enough time with the parent. Hurry is composed of the working life and domestic tasks. Mentioning hurry can be related to today’s busy society, or it may illustrate the way of talking about one’s life and giving meaning to it. To be busy means having a job and that means prosperity, acceptance and successful integration. The next response highlights the feelings of the second generation:

…sometimes I felt guilty that I should visit her more often. But sometimes I just manage to cook and do some cleaning or clothes washing. Those domestic chores that ordinary woman do. Then I just go to bed and wake up at six in the morning… (G2)

In the following quote the respondent makes a similar point but adds that the grandchild has frequent contact with the grandfather. Grandchildren have an important role as they take on some of the duties of the busy middle generation and are given assignments by their mothers/fathers. The first generation also expected contacts from the third generation although they were aware of the lifestyle of the young who are preoccupied with friends, the computer and hobbies.

Yes, I do call her, that’s the least I do. Sometimes I do not call her for two weeks if it is busy at work. But I always send my daughter to go and see how she is. She likes to visit her. (G2)

The feeling of guilt, deficient and hurry is present in the excerpts. The “sandwich generation” has many responsibilities towards the first and the third generations. When a great deal of family resources are expended on outside work, daily survival needs and education for the children, there is only little energy and time left for the middle generation to be able to fulfil the expectations of the first generation (see Gans and Silverstein 2006). When the grandchildren were younger, older respondents were drawn into care giving roles, but now they themselves needed assistance, and their relationship with the third generation consist of interacting, exchanging services and material help (see Settles et al. 2009). Older immigrants are on many levels dependent on the other generations: unfamiliarity with society, lack of language skills, housing, companionship, transportation and so on are the reasons for their dependency on the other generations (Treas 2009).

Real friendships and longing to go back

Older immigrants` social attachment to different groups enables them to have social contacts, and they even feel busy in terms of social participation. Ethnically based social occasions with age mates do not necessarily lead to deeper contacts and friendship. Differences in educational or occupational background may affect the likelihood of entering into friendship. Sharing the same language does not mean closeness and friendship, either. The loss of deep friendship ties was mentioned by the children and grandchildren. They also pointed out that the grandmother/grandfather has her/himself expressed how she/he longed for a real friend.

And sometimes she honestly tells that she misses a real friendship. (G2)

In material terms, living in Finland is satisfying. When it comes to emotions, however, the first and third generations found the situation distressing. They miss their former home country and associate nostalgic feelings with the familiar places (see Treas 2009; Skrbis 2008) and people there. Longing to go back can be described as longing for the familiar place, buildings, the landscape and so on (see Treas and Mazumdar 2004). But behind these concrete items or subjects of longing may also be the feeling of longing for familiarity in terms of using that environment. In a familiar environment older immigrants know where to go to take care of certain matters, how to act in offices and banks and other official institutions, who to trust. They know the rules, norms, law and roles in that environment and are able to act independently (see Falicov 2005).

Moving to Finland with the three generation family does not in every case mean that the whole family will be moving. Family separation intensifies the feelings of longing. One third generation respondent thought that the grandmother would feel better if all the children were living in Finland.

I think she is feeling well. Her daughter lives in her former home country and I think she would be happier if she were here (G3)

The excerpt reflects a deep feeling of longing. Older respondents may find themselves in a complicated situation; life in the former home country is not satisfying because some of their children live in Finland, and for the same reason it is not satisfying to live in Finland either. The third generation respondents also express also their longing for the relatives, such as the other set of grandparents and cousins.

There I miss my father and grandmother and all the relatives I love, but also the city… (G3)

Maintaining transnational connections, such as visiting the former home country and keeping in touch by calling and writing letters and postcards was important for respondents (see Baldassar 2007; Wilding 2006.) Through transnational connections they were able to share everyday events and hear the latest news on the family, the city and the country.

The talk of the second generation did not indicate their longing for the former home country, but their spouses long to go back. Spouses were worried about their parents they left behind when moving to Finland.

…but my husband loves his former home country a lot, because his mother lives there. Moving here was more difficult for him. He doesn’t know the language at all. Now he speaks enough to get a job. (G2)

The spouses whose parents stay in the former home country are in a very difficult situation especially if there are no other siblings who can take care of the parents. This means frequent travel between the countries and other tasks to ensure and maintain the welfare of the parents. The situation may undermine their ability to integrate into the host society. Thus migration reshapes family formation and interaction in many ways (Parreñas 2005; Asis 2008; Izuhara and Shibata 2002).

Discussion

Poverty refers to persons, families or groups of people whose material resources are so limited that they cannot take part in the lifestyle acceptable in the country. This also means that these people cannot take part in social or cultural life as full members of society and are thus socially excluded. (Levitas 2000.) The general expectation is that immigrant elders are poor and discontented. Most of them came from circumstances where the standard of living or living conditions were poor (see Liebkind et al. 2004). Economic disadvantages affect various domains that are related to social exclusion (Patsios 2006). The respondents in this study were, however, genuinely satisfied with their standard of living, the home itself and the environment forming a background for living.

Hostile attitudes do not encourage participation in activities offered by society, or integration into society, and increase the isolation and exclusion of immigrants. Integration can be seen as a key test for the openness and stability of civil societies, reflecting their ability to provide an alternative to the integration of societies as national communities (Bauböck 1996). In Germany, in spite of the great number (about 3.5 million) of ethnic minorities, most immigrants are still categorized as aliens. Even the second and third generation immigrants may live under special legal restrictions (Silbereisen and Schmitt-Rodermund 2000).

The immigrant elders interviewed took part in civic activities offered by churches and nongovernmental organizations and projects. Active participation in these activities contributes to integration, giving them a sense of belonging. Civic activities offer a possibility for social relations and are thus important in avoiding social exclusion (Scharf et al. 2005; Patsios 2006). One reason for the interviewed immigrant elders to be less than “full members of society” is that mostly in these arranged civic activities they only tend to meet other immigrants with varied immigration experiences, and have no interaction with the local, Finnish elderly. In the realms of informal social interaction, and particularly the interaction between elder immigrants and the Finnish society is very limited. Even those with repatriate status are considered outsiders in the Finnish society and are target for discrimination and hostility (cf. Pettigrew 1998; Semyonov et al. 2006; Remennic 2002). The fundamental mechanism for integration is frequent interaction between immigrants and residents of a host country (Niessen and Schibel 2007).

The respondents of the second generation were happy about the civic activities their parents engaged in. That gave them more room to concentrate on children, work and domestic tasks. The second generation respondents described their lives as “busy”. They are making an effort to manage their own everyday life and integration process (see Barresi 1987) and feel guilty about not having enough time for their mother/father. The second generation respondents were usually those who had made the decision to move to Finland on behalf of the rest of the family, and in the new situation they were also those who had the biggest responsibility for the welfare of the first generation. Due to social exclusion, family relationships play an important role (Scharf et al. 2005; Patsios 2006) and especially in the case of older immigrants these family relations are difficult to replace by other social contacts, such as neighbourhood or kin, as there is none to offer. Language has a central role in the socialization process (Kalbach and Kalbach 1995). It can be argued that the attachment of immigrant elders to their ethnic community is stronger when they retain the minority language (see Barresi 1987; Reitz and Sklar 1997; Kalbach and Kalbach 1995), which imposes social exclusion and more obligations for the second and third generations. Poor language skills prohibit the use of services and leads to social exclusion (see. Scharf et al. 2005; Patsios 2006), and is a challenge for the second and the third generations.

Older respondents’ feelings of longing for the former home country were diverse including places and people. A French study on homesickness among retired immigrants showed that only 7.4% of them expressed their homesickness very often, 20% missed the home country fairly often while 37.5% said they never miss it. One explanation for lower levels of homesickness is that the most homesick migrants return to their home countries in retirement. Another explanation is that better changes of visiting the home country in retirement make them feel less homesick. Feelings of homesickness were stronger among those who experienced discrimination (Attias-Donfut et al. 2005). The reasons for homesickness among older immigrants’ were the longing for their other children, kin and friends and for familiar places which can also be related to missing the sense of being able to understand the rules, norms, law and values sustained in society. The respondents of this study live close to the border of their home country but the travel connections, for example, to the eastern or southern parts of Russia, are difficult and distances are very long, which makes the maintenance of transnational connections by travelling difficult and expensive, too. Longing as well as practical difficulties in fitting into the host country are reasons for feelings of belonging to the home country rather than the new society (see Ho 2008). Strong family connections cannot replace the lost intimate friendships which in spite of social networks and involvement in different civic activities immigrant elders have not been able to create. The situation highlights the role of children and grandchildren and increases the expectations towards them.

Social exclusion theories usually define social networks other than family as friends and the neighbourhood (Scharf et al. 2005). Older immigrants keep in touch with their friends transnationally, but this does not replace the “doing things together”—type of friendship. Longing makes older immigrants vulnerable to face emotional exclusion. In taking part in civic activities older immigrants contribute to the social and cultural values of society (Burr and Mutchler 2003). Access to these nongovernmental services, which often are project-based and time limited, should be valued, as they can contribute to the empowerment of immigrant elders (See Niessen and Schibel 2007).

There are some limitations in the study that should be considered. First, the amount of the interviewee is small in number. Reason for that is that three-generation immigrant families are not many in Finland and the recruitment of the whole generation bond is challenging. Often the second generation refuses from the interview. Second, recruiting interviewees to the study through the service helper picks over older immigrants who are already getting help and who are aware of the services available in the society. Third, and perhaps the most important, the interviewees represent only one specific group of immigrants. It is possible that in a study with other immigrant groups or in a larger sample at least some of the characteristics of social networks and social participation would be different. It is plausible, however, that many of the experiences of social and emotional exclusion are shared by older immigrants who are coming from different cultures and are not fluent with the language of the new home country.

Broader diversity as a result of immigration also among older populations has become a feature of many local communities across Europe and that will be the future of the furthermost corner such as Finland, too. The boundaries of exclusion are much more inflexible for older persons than younger ones who may change their situation actively by moving or changing jobs (Scharf et al. 2005). The results imply that for older immigrants, moving may lead to both social and emotional exclusion even though the standard of living would change positively. However that can be prevented by organising civic activities and active social life. The feelings such as loneliness, sadness and longing are difficult to reveal. Those feelings refer to emotional exclusion and can be reduced by supporting the life of the second and third generations, so that they can offer enough resources and time for the first generation. But family alone cannot guarantee wellbeing and inclusion for older immigrants to the society. Also society should pay attention to this diverse group in social policy as well as to the welfare of the second and third generations.