The advent of the 21st century has witnessed a remarkable and pervasive change in the nature of social and cultural institutions around the globe. This set of changes, generally known as globalisation, has shifted the entire landscape of human experience, encompassing education and work (Friedman, 2006). While citizens throughout the world have to grapple with enormous shifts in the distribution of educational resources and the availability of job opportunities, the basic assumptions of the career development and counselling world, for the most part, have not kept up with the impact of globalisation. The basic assumptions of much career development theory and practice are that people have choices in their work lives and that the role of counselling is to help them optimise their options (see, for example, Brown, 2002). The reality of the working world for most people around the globe has been (and continues with the advent of globalisation) to be one in which choice about one’s livelihood is afforded primarily to the privileged (Blustein, 2006; Fouad, 2007; Peterson & González, 2005; Richardson, 1993).

Globalisation offers career counsellors an opportunity to rethink some of their core beliefs about their work. The position that is articulated in this article is that counsellors ought to consider the utility of a sustained critique of traditional career development discourse in relation to the challenges of globalisation. The initial part of the article summarizes the major features of globalisation; the second part advances a new perspective under the rubric of the psychology-of-working. The third and final part of the article describes the major implications for counselling practice that emerge from a consideration of the interface of globalisation and the psychology-of-working.

An overview of globalisation

Globalisation is a term that lacks a clear, uniform definition (Prempeh, 2004; Suárez-Orozco & Qin-Hilliard, 2004). Globalisation encompasses a variety of issues, and has been defined according to the particular discipline from which it is being examined (Suárez-Orozco & Qin-Hilliard, 2004). Globalisation has been examined from the perspective of economics and capital, media information and communication technologies, large-scale immigration and cultural production and consumption (Friedman, 2006; Suárez-Orozco & Qin-Hilliard, 2004). Arnett (2002, p. 774) encompasses these different aspects of globalisation by defining it as “a process by which cultures influence one another and become more alike through trade, immigration and exchange of information and ideas”.

Globalisation as a term was first coined in the 1980s. Globalisation is not a new concept to the extent that cultures have been in contact with one another for centuries (Arnett, 2002; Friedman, 2006). Historically speaking, globalisation as a product of human innovation and technology has been a long-developing process, which erupted with the rapid technological and information dissemination changes that occurred after World War II (International Monetary Fund, 2000). Friedman (2006) describes three different eras of globalisation. The first one, from 1492 to about 1800, was an era of exploration and conquest during which international trade and colonization brought the world together. The second era lasted from 1800 to roughly 2000 and was characterised by multinational companies weaving together the economies of different countries. The last era, from 2000 to the present, is powered by the individual’s ability to compete and collaborate globally; furthermore, it is distinguished by the increased participation of non-Western, non-White individuals. It is important to acknowledge that the movement of labour and technology across international borders has been a phenomenon existing over several centuries including periods of colonization, trade and commerce. However, what may be a crucial difference between the current period and the previous ones is the advent of rapid technological advancement. This is particularly attributed to the invention of the personal computer and the World Wide Web, which allow individuals to be connected to one another in real time across the globe with easy access to rapid communication (Friedman, 2006). Therefore, the intensity and the degree of connection between and across different cultures have increased dramatically since the last two decades of the 20th century (Arnett, 2002; Friedman, 2006; Suárez-Orozco & Qin-Hilliard, 2004). In addition to these trends, modern electronic communication has contributed to an increased development and deep integration of commercial and financial services through interdependence of financial markets across the globe creating the scope for interdependence and collaborations among different countries and identities (International Monetary Fund, 2000).

The increased rate of connection and consequent interdependence manifests itself in a number of different arenas. National economies are increasingly interdependent and susceptible to events outside a country’s borders (Suárez-Orozco & Qin-Hilliard, 2004); industries experience a higher level of mobility and the flexibility to move production without compromising quality (Friedman, 2006); and, people, ideas, and concepts travel at an increased speed, allowing for a greater degree of contact between cultures (Hermans & Kempen, 1998; Jenkins, 2004). In addition to this set of changes, it is important to emphasize that the nature of contact has changed. Although increased ease of travel has allowed more people to come in contact with different cultures, the advent of television, radio and Internet has changed the way in which individuals come to relate to each other and interact with the world (Jenkins, 2004). Media allows for individuals to take control of the information they consume and to disseminate information to others about their own lives. The current fad of Internet blogs is an example of this phenomenon. Multinational companies use the media to help them shape and market their products to fit the needs of local communities (Jenkins, 2004). Just as products that hail from the developed world, such as American Coke and jeans make their way to less developed countries, products such as Bollywood movies, and Japanese anime have become relatively well accepted in American markets. There is a sense of reciprocity and interdependence, by which some aspects of western and non-western cultures have both been celebrated and included in a broader global culture and identity (Hermans & Kempen, 1998; Jenkins, 2004).

This extensive contact has given way to concepts such as hybridisation of culture (Hermans & Kempen, 1998) and of a global and local identity (Arnett, 2002). Hybridisation refers to a phenomenon that results from the increased cultural connection around the world, entailing intercultural processes through which existing cultural practices are recombined to develop new ones (Hermans & Kempen, 1998). Hermans and Kempen (1998, p. 1113) provide the example of “a London boy of Asian origin playing for a local Bengali cricket team and at the same time supporting the Arsenal football club”. Arnett (2002) discusses the concepts of global and local identities in exploring the impact of globalisation on young people throughout the world. Arnett posits that globalisation has led to the development of a global citizen identity and consciousness, which provides individuals with “a sense of belonging to the worldwide culture and includes an awareness of events, practices, styles and information that are part of the global culture” (p. 777). Alongside this global identity, people continue to maintain a local identity informed by their unique local circumstances, traditions and culture (Arnett, 2002). These concepts point to an emerging understanding of globalisation, prompting new ways of thinking about one’s place in the world, not only as a citizen of a particular country or region, but also a global citizen connected to the rest of the world and sharing some common experiences with one another. This enhanced level of connection has been accompanied by an increased awareness of individuals’ experience of privilege and oppression across the world, and serves to highlight inequities throughout the globe. It is also important to recognise that despite increased access to technology around the world in recent decades, access to opportunity is not equally available, accessible, and affordable for all people. As a result, the impact of globalisation is felt differently and to varying degrees across the globe (Arnett, 2002). However, it is undeniable that globalisation has brought about direct and indirect changes in a variety of areas in people’s lives. One domain of particular relevance is the nature of one’s working life, which has been greatly impacted by technological advances and organizational restructuring.

The world of work prior to globalisation

Before examining how work has been changed by globalisation, it is important to explore people’s work lives before the advent of globalisation. Before the industrial revolution, work and family were closely tied; often people’s work lives were determined by their parents’ work, and work was done in the home or fairly close to it (Blustein, 2006; Savickas, 2000). A few individuals, particularly those with some resources and privilege, often would experience a calling for a particular field such as religious life or law (Savickas, 2000). With the advent of the industrial revolution, work became less centred around family life, as workers moved to cities to work in factories and other large organizations (Savickas, 2000). The concept of career, as a succession of jobs of increasing responsibility and rewards, developed during this time (Blustein, 2006; Savickas, 2000; this point is further elaborated shortly). Consequently, employees expected to stay with the same company for most of their lives and to be rewarded with better jobs and compensation in return for their good performance and commitment to the employer/organization (Hall, 2004; Hall & Mirvis, 1996; Savickas, 2000). It is important to acknowledge that not all workers had access to such stable and hierarchically progressive jobs during this period; indeed, the “grand career narrative”, as Savickas (2002) observed, was available generally to people from relatively affluent societies who had access to educational and financial resources. However, even those low skilled workers, who did not fit into this notion of the “grand career narrative”, enjoyed a certain degree of stability in their jobs (Savickas, 2000). Job security and stability were coveted landmarks of this era; however, this has changed with globalisation.

Globalisation and changes in the world of work

Technological advances combined with the expansion of the free market economy have brought about a number of changes in people’s work across the globe (Blustein, 2006; Friedman, 2006). Organisational restructuring as a result of technological advances and companies’ needs to be more efficient and competitive in the global economy has often resulted in downsizing, with many relatively well-educated workers, including significant numbers of mid-level managers, being laid off (Friedman, 2006). In addition, outsourcing, with production moving from developed to developing countries where companies are able to produce goods with the same quality at a cheaper cost, has meant that some individuals have found themselves without jobs, while others have been able to gain a decent salary to support their families (Friedman, 2006). Hall and Mirvis (1996) describe the changing nature of the psychological contract between the employer and employee, such that long-term job security and stability are characteristics of the past. Increasingly, companies are choosing to have a core group of full-time employees that are supplemented with part-time and contingent workers who generally do not receive the benefits that come with full-time employment (Savickas, 2000). In short, lessened job security and stability is a reality for workers (Neumark, 2000). As such, the concept of career and the nature of work have been profoundly affected by the advent of globalisation.

Hall and his colleagues (Hall, 2004; Hall & Mirvis, 1996) have developed the term protean career to capture the scope and depth of recent changes in work. Career, once conceptualised as a successive progression of jobs with increasing responsibility and rewards, usually within the same company, is essentially an idea of the past. Hall and colleagues (e.g., Briscoe & Hall, 2006; Hall, 2004) have described the protean career as one that is driven by the individual, in which individual workers are making decisions about their own career and considering their own interests and values as the driving force of career decisions. This changing nature of the psychological work contract, where the company is no longer as committed to its employees, has led to this shift. A related concept that seems to illustrate this change is the boundaryless career, which describes the individual as not bound to a particular organization, but able to construct a career maintaining relationships across organizational boundaries (Briscoe, Hall & Frautschy DeMuth, 2006; DeFilippi & Arthur, 1994). Workers are encouraged to learn how to be flexible, to develop skills to work in rapidly changing environments and within the context of teams (Grantham, 2000). The new worker needs to know how to market his/her own skills to be attractive to potential employers in a world of job insecurity and instability. Higher skilled workers feel pressured to continually update their skills and to learn how to work collaboratively with others (Grantham, 2000).

Less skilled workers face increasing challenges in the current global economy. Economists and other social scientists have documented the increasing gap between the have and have-nots in the United States (Ellwood, 2000; Grantham, 2000; Reich, 2002; Wilson, 1999). This body of literature indicates that from the early seventies to the mid-nineties incomes for those in the bottom of the wage distribution increased little or not at all, while those with the highest incomes experienced sharp wage increases (Ellwood, 2000; Reich, 2002; Wilson, 1999). However, in some developing countries less skilled workers have been able to enjoy increases in wages that allow them to adequately care for themselves and their families (Friedman, 2006). Nonetheless, the mobility of industries as a result of technological advances leaves less skilled workers more vulnerable for job displacement, and without many employment alternatives (Friedman, 2006; Wilson, 1999).

Additionally, the nature of work has undergone a dramatic change leaving some socially disconnected and struggling to find meaning in their work (Blustein, 2006). There is a greater sense of alienation with many aspects of individual’s work lives being more individualized, ushering a sense of disconnection (Blustein, 2006). The Hall and Mirvis (1996) concept of the protean career exemplifies this phenomenon of the lone individual steering his/her own work life, without connections to a particular job, or company. In addition, work conditions have changed, with greater flexibility for some with the ability to work from home and other locations outside of the office, while others live in compounds at their worksites provided by their employers (Friedman, 2006). Advances in the transportation industry and technology have contributed to a greater degree of mobility of the labour force, with people leaving their home countries to work in other areas of the world, while others commute great distances to and from work (Gibson & Mitchell, 2006). These diverse changes in people’s work lives have resulted in a radical transformation of the world of work. For some individuals, globalisation has lead to more autonomy in their careers and a greater sense of agency and ownership of their time and efforts. In contrast, globalisation also has led to an increasing sense of isolation and dehumanisation, often manifested by a greater disconnection between people, their work colleagues and the work that they do (Blustein, 2006).

In short, globalisation has ushered in a number of complex changes in people’s work lives. Jobs are less secure and stable. Workers are urged to continually enhance their skills to increase their employability potential and counteract the current climate of insecurity (Blank, 2000; Reich, 2002). The nature of work has also changed such that work is much more specialized and disconnected, and even alienating (Friedman, 2006). The mobility of the labour force and of industries also has changed the work landscape with people able to travel great distances to find work, and companies increasingly able to relocate to meet the challenges of a highly competitive industry (Friedman, 2006).

These radical changes in the nature of work and the labour market suggest the need for a new paradigm or perspective. Existing notions of career choice and development theory (e.g., Brown, 2002; Brown & Lent, 2005) are relevant primarily to a narrow array of workers—that is, those who have choice and volition in their work lives. The “psychology-of-working” perspective (Blustein, 2001, 2006), described next, offers the needed theoretical and epistemological framework to develop effective career interventions for workers facing an increasingly globalised work environment.

A new paradigm for the 21st century: the “psychology-of-working” perspective

Globalisation has impacted the world at multiple levels with implications for the world of work extending well beyond the economic sphere (Blustein, 2006). In a number of countries, competitive global market forces have generated an increased demand for highly skilled and productive labour. Educational excellence and aspirations for higher standards have become cornerstones of global work life. At the same time, a corresponding increase in the demand for skills in literacy, numeracy, technology, problem solving, and interpersonal relationships has become pervasive in the labour market (Blustein, 2006). At the global level, there are also concerns about the significant inequity in the distribution of wealth, with the rich getting richer and poor getting poorer in both developed and developing countries.

At the organisational level, there is an increased demand on the workforce to make rapid adjustments, possess flexibility, manifest risk-taking and exhibit multitasking due to an increase in responsibilities, work hours and unpredictability at work. At an individual level, workers are feeling less secure about their jobs and about the accessibility of desired employment; these experiences are manifested by stress at the work place, frustration, despair and social and psychological disengagement from work in general (Blustein, 2006; Grantham, 2000; Hall, 1996; Sennett, 1998).

It is evident that the rapid and persistent spread of free market capitalism enveloping the world today has profoundly influenced the work lives of people across the globe, with its impact increasing exponentially with time (Friedman, 2006). The fields of vocational psychology and career development have not advanced at a proportional rate and have not been able to develop conceptual frameworks to inform counselling practice and public policy regarding the shifting, yet central role of work in people’s lives. Moreover, the field of psychology in general, has historically failed to place adequate emphasis on work and work issues (Blustein, 2006; Richardson, 1993). The meaning that people attribute to their work has changed and the degree of volition that people are expected to exercise in their work lives remains a luxury of the more affluent minority living in society. The notion of career is no longer a sufficiently inclusive conceptual framework, which successfully encapsulates the experiences of work in the lives of the majority of people in the world today (Blustein, 2006; Peterson & González, 2005). Therefore, it becomes imperative, as Richardson (1993) suggested, for counsellors and psychologists to develop new paradigms that offer a means of understanding the complexity and nuances of the role of work in people’s lives. The psychology-of-working (Blustein, 2006) is one such perspective that seeks to create an inclusive conceptual framework that affirms work as a central component of people’s lives and attempts to comprehensively link theory, research and practice that is interlaced with a social justice mission.

The psychology-of-working perspective recognizes that work occupies a significant place in people’s lives and that the experience of working is a relative constant in our lives, thereby unifying human beings across time and culture. Working involves effort, activity, and energy in given tasks that contribute to the overall social and economic welfare of a culture. Working is not restricted to paid employment and hence, caregiving work and voluntary contributions to community, among others, are also validated as important forms of work (Blustein, 2006). Hence, the psychology-of-working perspective seeks to develop inclusive modes of practice in counselling/therapy that will provide services for people without much choice in their lives and that will help individuals deal assertively with the unequal opportunity structure. Through research, the psychology-of-working perspective seeks to generate new knowledge that informs public policy in order to address education, training, labour policy and employment issues.

The psychology-of-working perspective proposes that the individual’s understanding of the world is historically and culturally embedded (Blustein, Schultheiss & Flum, 2004; Peterson & González, 2005). Work is a social and cultural construction (Fouad & Byars-Winston, 2005); that is, the work experience of people across the world differs, depending on the social, political, economic and cultural context. While recognizing the uniqueness of each individual’s work experience in today’s world, this perspective proposes three basic needs that work fulfils in people’s lives (Blustein, 2006). The following sections briefly describe these three needs embedded within the psychology-of-working and discuss their importance in relation to changes that are brought about by globalisation.

Work as a means for survival and power

According to the psychology-of-working perspective, working is a crucial aspect of human life. In short, work provides the means of obtaining the necessary goods and services to be able to secure food, clothing, and shelter. Historically, as societies advanced, they became more complex and multi-layered, and the developments brought about by globalisation are no exception (Blustein, 2006). With increased industrial mobility, lack of security in employment, increased opportunities and the latter’s accompanying constraints, a major concern for psychologists and counsellors currently is the extent to which work meets the need for survival and power and within that scaffolding, the issue of how much control and volition people have in their work life.

Work as means of social connection

Work provides people with an opportunity to develop meaningful relationships with others and is a consistent source of social connections (Flum, 2001; Schultheiss, 2003). In an ideal world, work provides the relational resources that people need in order to have positive outcomes within work-related contexts (Blustein, Prezioso & Schultheiss, 1995; Hall, 1996; Schultheiss, Kress, Manzi & Jeffrey, 2001). In relation to the changing nature of work and the concept of career, the emergence of globalisation and technology has raised concerns about whether work does meet this need for people.

Within the framework of the psychology-of-working, a primary concern is that the increased demand placed on the workforce and competition for limited resources across the globe restricts the potential that work has in fulfilling the need for interpersonal connections, which are such an integral component of people’s lives. As the nature of work changes, there appears to be an increased demand for effective interpersonal skills, but at the same time, there is a growing apprehension that social connections are being frayed and that people are disengaging from their work (Sennett, 1998).

As a result of these revolutionary changes wrought by globalisation, career counsellors and vocational psychologists need to keep in mind that the rapid changes in the nature of working may affect the ability of people to create new and satisfactory social connections, maintain relationships, and enjoy consistency and stability in their social world. Counsellors also need to deliberate on ways that social disengagement may be prevented in order for people to have greater contentment in their lives; one such way may be for workplaces to find creative ways of valuing relational skills and relational contributions (Blustein, 2006; Fletcher, 1996).

Work as a means of self-determination

The third need is based on the potential for working to lead to the experience of self-determination. The psychology-of-working perspective recognizes that work is a multidimensional phenomenon. Working can sometimes be disinteresting, physically arduous, psychologically denigrating, and at times, painful. On the other hand, work has the potential to satisfy and under ideal conditions, work can generate the context for great life satisfaction and genuine self-expression. Therefore, with optimal supports, work can lead to the experience of what is known as self-determination (Blustein, 2006; Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000).

The concept of self-determination is based on a theory of motivational psychology advanced by Deci and Ryan (1985) and Ryan and Deci (2000) called Self-Determination Theory (SDT). According to this theory, motivation is an internal resource and an important concept assisting in gaining an understanding of many aspects of human behaviour. In the SDT framework, there are three types of motivation: intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation, and lack of motivation (Deci & Ryan, 1985).

From the psychology-of-working perspective, to be intrinsically motivated or self-determined implies an ideal state where people work for interest, pleasure or enjoyment. The experience of extrinsic motivation, on the other hand, is characterized by working for an instrumental purpose like remuneration, satisfying senior family members, or for other external rewards. However, extrinsically motivated work has the potential of becoming more internalised into one’s motivational and value system if the individual is relationally supported and is able to gain competence and autonomy. A third type of motivation is lack of motivation in work (Blustein, 2006) manifested by a notable lack of desire to engage in a given set of tasks.

According to SDT (Ryan & Deci, 2000), the three contextual factors fostering the development of self-determination are autonomy or the experience of free will without much external regulation or control in work choice and work life, competence or the experience of success or feelings of mastery in a given job or work, and relatedness or the experience of feeling connected to others in a meaningful way within the work context. These three attributes provide individuals with the contextual supports that allow for greater internalisation of the extrinsic values of a given experience, thereby supporting the experience of self-determination (Ryan & Deci, 2000).

A major consideration for counsellors and psychologists is the extent to which globalisation has impacted the worker’s opportunities of finding work-related activities that are intrinsically motivating and how practitioners can assist people in finding meaning in their work even if it is not intrinsically interesting. From the psychology-of-working perspective, globalisation has created an important transformation in the realm of work, which is actually underscoring a reality that has been the case for most workers around the globe. In short, it is likely that there are not enough intrinsically motivating jobs and meaningful work options available to the majority of people given the demands of free market capitalism and the infusion of technology, which is reducing the need for many types of workers. For example, a number of people have lost their jobs both in developed and developing countries due to relocation of industries or industrial downsizing. These people very often do not possess the necessary skills to find new and/or meaningful employment. Finally, a positive effect of globalisation is an increasing awareness of the social injustice that exists globally. A myriad of social oppressions overrun the world, such as sexism, heterosexism, racism, classism, ableism, ageism and the like, which people are most often exposed to in the context of work (Blustein, 2006; Peterson & González, 2005). This experience has a profound impact on the work adjustments of people and in turn creates a stressful environment that is detrimental to their mental health (Quick & Tetrick, 2003). On a global level, there are also concerns about the inequity in the distribution of resources around the world (Blustein, 2006).

Therefore, counsellors and psychologists need to channel their expertise in the direction of theory, research and practice, with the goal of creating fertile work contexts characterised by autonomy, relatedness, and competence, which provide people with optimum conditions for growth in the area of self-determination. By providing people with opportunities for experiencing fulfilment in the fundamental strivings for survival, developing and sustaining relational connections and establishing self-determined conditions in their lives, it is likely that people will experience less stress in their work and hence may be less likely to suffer psychologically from their working contexts (Blustein, 2006). Most importantly, the psychology-of-working perspective exhorts psychologists and counsellors to be aware of contemporary issues and work towards reducing social oppressions in the work contexts of people around the world through more broad-based systemic interventions, which target communities and not just individuals.

What does globalisation mean for counselling practice?

In order to provide our clients with effective services, counsellors must adapt their practice to reflect the changes brought about with the advent of globalisation (Blustein, 2006; Gibson & Mitchell, 2006). Counsellors need to help clients become aware of globalisation and its meaning to their work lives (Gibson & Mitchell, 2006). Counsellors and psychologists can recommend or develop workshops and perhaps self-help materials that will inform clients about the demands of globalisation. This type of intervention would entail counsellors helping clients tolerate ambiguity and uncertainty. Counsellors must also be prepared to work with an increasingly diverse client population, and strive to provide culturally sensitive and competent services.

Additionally, counsellors may consider helping their clients become multidimensional in their talent and skill development (Hall, 2004). Not only should clients be encouraged to become as skilled as possible, but also they need to become aware of other aspects of their personality. For example, counsellors can help clients explore their secondary and tertiary Holland (1997) codes in greater depth to develop alternatives in the face of rapidly changing job options. In addition, clients must be encouraged to keep their skills current through ongoing training opportunities (Blank, 2000; Reich, 2002).

Counsellors and psychologists can help clients become more empowered by encouraging clients to develop “goal-oriented behaviours that also lead to mastery within relevant domains” (Blustein, 2006, p. 278). Helping clients to clarify where they want to be and develop a plan that details how they will get there is an integral part of developing a sense of empowerment. In addition to encouraging clients to develop their practical skills related to work, it is important that they develop their interpersonal skills, which will better prepare them to navigate the instability of today’s job market, and the need to work collaboratively with others (Blustein, 2006; Grantham, 2000).

Vocational assessment is an important aspect of career counselling and development, which helps counsellors facilitate the process of exploration for clients (Fouad, 2007). Within the psychology-of-working perspective, vocational assessment has the potential to serve both as a resource and a barrier (Blustein, 2006). Testing is a helpful tool in addressing issues of person-environment fit; the Transferable Skills Inventory (Bolles, 2005) is an important tool that can be used with clients with previous work histories and some life experience. The Transferable Skills Inventory allows individuals to assess their own strengths, even outside the realm of work, thereby serving as a springboard to explore different areas of interest and open an array of possibilities (Bolles, 2005). In addition, traditional assessment tools, like the Strong Interest Inventory, can be used within a globalisation context as a tool to help clients expand their knowledge of their own interests, ideally resulting in a more flexible self-concept that can adapt to the changing world-of-work.

Vocational testing has to be used cautiously as it can also reinforce the status quo; for example, women may score higher in the areas of interest that reflect caretaking and clerical tasks, which may be a result of socialization and because of the low prestige associated with these areas of work, female clients may continue to be steered towards low prestige, low paying work (Blustein, 2006). It is important that the assessment of interests include considerations of the contextual factors as well as careful attention to the whole person being assessed.

Lastly, counsellors can help clients become more critically conscious, encouraging them to reflect on the broader social and political world and to become active participants in civic society (Blustein, 2006). Encouraging clients to examine the broader social structures, how they impact the lives of individuals and how they support social inequities, will provide them with a more complete understanding of their place in the world, and how these social influences impact their own lives (Blustein, 2006).

Conclusion

Recent technological advances in conjunction with the expansion of the free market economy have ushered in a number of changes in our social, economic and political contexts. These changes are captured under the umbrella of globalisation, and have brought some radical shifts in the working lives of individuals across the globe. This article argues that career counsellors and vocational psychologists need to adapt their practice to reflect those changes in the realm of work, and in addition they must contend with the reality that traditional “career” psychology may not accurately capture the experiences of today’s workers. The psychology-of-working is an inclusive perspective that locates work as a central aspect of people’s lives, which fulfils needs for survival, self-determination, and connection. A critical examination of the impact of globalisation warrants that career counsellors and psychologists recognize its impact in their clients’ lives, educate them and provide them with adequate tools to succeed professionally and personally.