Introduction

Exact figures on the number of homeless young people are difficult to obtain given the transient nature of the population. Reliable counts of homeless persons are complicated because many do not spend time in shelters but live on the streets and/or move between various friends and family. Rough estimates are that the number of homeless persons in the United States is between 600,000 and 2.5 million (CRS Report for Congress 2005). Based on a review of the research explicitly regarding young adults—which can include youth up through their mid-twenties—it is estimated that, nationally, there are nearly 1.6 million homeless young people on the streets on any given day (Robertson and Toro 1999).

Studies focused specifically on the emotional well-being of homeless young adults have found that this group often has a history of abuse and neglect, which may precipitate and/or exacerbate homelessness (Cauce and Morgan 1994). Additionally, this group experiences a significant amount of acute and chronic emotional distress (Clatts et al. 1998) and reports generally worse levels of overall mental health than their domiciled peers (Commander et al. 2002). Furthermore, among homeless young adults, there is an over-representation of persons having a foster care history (Roman and Wolfe 1995); ~30% of homeless young people have had a history of child welfare involvement (Casey Family Programs 2001; Cauce and Morgan 1994; Commander et al. 2002; CRS Report for Congress 2005; Greene et al. 1999; Shelter Partnership Inc. 1997; Thompson et al. 2001).

Child Welfare Experiences

Generally, children taken into the custody of the child welfare system have experienced some form of abuse or neglect, resulting in removal from their families. The effects of abusive, neglectful and other traumatic experiences have been linked to the development of a number of emotional/mental, social/behavioral, and relational problems (e.g., anxiety, depression, substance use, attachment issues, etc.) (Cauce and Morgan 1994; Hughes 1999; Kortenkamp and Ehrle 2002). Children from abusive and neglectful home environments have often experienced a life of uncertainty, fear, and chaos with insufficient opportunity to feel a sense comfort and safety as well as responsiveness to their need to be acknowledged, praised, and supported. Once in the custody of the child welfare system, these children are prone to struggles with grief, loss, and ongoing disrupted attachments. Further, it is possible that their need for connecting with another and experiencing a sense of calm and reflection may not be met in the child welfare system either or it may be repeatedly disrupted. Additionally, children may be maltreated by their substitute caregivers, possibly experience placement instability, and exhibit a range of emotional and behavioral problems as a result. For children who are exposed to repeated disruptions and lack of responses from a primary other, there is a risk that the foundational structure of their personal selves may ultimately be affected.

For older adolescents, attention seems to be focused mainly on the development of concrete independent living skills (e.g., budgeting, education, etc.) in preparation for emancipation (Collins 2001; Shelter Partnership Inc. 1997). In recent years, research on adolescent wards appears to focus mostly on the assessment of transitional living planning services and programs for wards while in care or concentrate on collecting demographic information regarding young adults post-emancipation through general surveys (Colca and Colca 1996; Collins 2001; McMillen and Tucker 1999; Mech 1994; Nevada Kids Count Issue Brief 2000; Shelter Partnership Inc. 1997). Notably, much less attention has been directed toward the examination of psychological functioning and emotional well-being of wards—specifically, their ability to manage their affect and behaviors either during care or upon exit.

Although life skills are necessary to build in order to move youth toward independence, it is also important to ensure that youth have had the chance to work through past trauma and develop the psychological structure required to use these skills and reasonably manage life stressors when they are on their own. A study conducted by the National Alliance to End Homelessness (Roman and Wolfe 1995) points out the potential ramifications of not tending to past experiences of maltreatment. The researchers suggest that “foster care has an impact on personal risk factors that may eventually result in homelessness and the system often fails to help children deal with problems that resulted from circumstances which caused them to be removed from their homes and fails to help them deal with problems that arise in care” (p. 3).

A study by Schofield (2002) examines positive outcomes for adults with foster care histories. Using a qualitative study design, interviews were held with 40 adults, ages 18–30 who grew up in foster families. Frameworks from attachment and resilience theories were used, in conjunction with the ideas of “belonging,” “family membership,” and “security” as keys to permanence, to analyze and interpret subject narratives. Schofield suggests that loving relationships are built on “the experiences of predictable, sensitive care” (p. 262). Children need to feel a sense of value and unconditional love. Further, continuity of relationships offers security and predictability. When caregivers provide these things to children, in essence, helping to contain their anxiety, children eventually internalize these experiences and develop coping skills of their own that can be carried into adulthood.

Self Psychology Theory

In an effort to further conceptualize the psychological needs of children in substitute care and the impact on youths’ ability to move toward independence, concepts from self psychology may prove valuable. Goldmeier and Fandetti (1991) discuss the ideas, conceptualized by Heinz Kohut, of the self object transference needs of mirroring and idealization. It is their contention that Kohut’s formulations facilitate a deeper understanding of the need for early nurturing relationships, which is crucial in the lives of children in substitute care. They imply that repeated empathic failures on the part of important caretaking others can have an impact on the development of self-admiration and esteem. Without experiencing a sense of vigor, greatness and perfection or feeling a sense of calmness and infallibility, all of which are psychological building blocks created via early relationships with caregiving others, the formation of one’s self-structure will, in all likelihood, be impaired.

According to the major tenants of self psychology theory, children who do not feel admired and guided by their caretakers and/or are not afforded the opportunity to merge with the strength and wisdom of a powerful other who can be idealized, as young adults, struggle to form a cohesive sense of self and have trouble learning to regulate their emotions (Elson 1986). Without an ability to successfully manage emotions, youth are at-risk of engaging in dangerous behaviors and experiencing disrupted relationships and overall instability.

Though rarely applied directly to young adults once part of the child welfare system, the major concepts of self-psychological theory are relevant. There are no known studies or papers addressing the concept of working to strengthen the overall sense of self of youth as part of developing life skills in preparation for exiting from care and transitioning to independence. Further, very few studies have explored, in any combination, the concepts of child maltreatment, substitute care placement, affect regulation, homelessness, and at-risk behaviors. Those that do examine at least some of these factors pay insufficient attention to the potential association between unmet psychological needs in childhood and while in substitute care and patterns of emotional modulation while homeless. Given that research has found that homeless youth suffer from a great deal of acute and chronic emotional distress and that there a significant number of former wards among the homeless population, attempting to better understand the development of self-psychological structures of homeless former wards from a theoretical perspective may allow for a more thorough understanding of the possible origins of the current problems of this population.

Purpose of Study

Although some studies on the status of youth post-child welfare involvement, in addition to presenting demographic information, attempt to more closely examine mental health problems, relationships, behaviors, etc. (Brandford and English 2004; Courtney et al. 2001, 2004; Nevada Kids Count Issue Brief 2000; Pecora et al. 2005), they are still primarily descriptive in nature. These studies present detailed pictures of the overall experiences of former wards and their current level of functioning but do not focus specifically or provide more in-depth information on the issues of homelessness and patterns of emotional regulation. The focus appears to be on presenting a general overview of a sample of former wards versus exploring their experiences from a theoretical perspective in attempts to make meaning of the experiences.

This study was designed to present a profile of the affective regulatory functioning of homeless young adults formerly part of the child welfare system. Its overarching goal was to examine the personal life experiences of a sample of this population with a specific focus on the subjects’ relationships and behaviors prior to their involvement with the child welfare system, while in substitute care, and currently, as well as build knowledge related to the experiences, affective functioning, and needs of this population using self psychology as a theoretical perspective. The specific research question was as follows: what are the patterns of affect regulation and behaviors among homeless young adults formerly involved with the child welfare system? Sub-questions included:

  1. 1.

    What are the themes of their relational and behavioral experiences as depicted before they entered the child welfare system, while in substitute care, and at present?

  2. 2.

    How do they score on a standardized measure of affective symptoms and behavioral functioning?

  3. 3.

    Is there coherence or discrepancy between their narrative life stories and their scores on a psychometric measure?

The hope was that this information could be used to re-conceptualize the effects of child maltreatment and placement in substitute care on the development of self-structures, emotional regulation, and future behaviors. The expectation was also that this knowledge could enhance the treatment services for children in substitute care as well as for homeless young adults from abusive/neglectful backgrounds.

Study Design

This study used a mixed methods design. Although there is a quantitative component, this study is primarily qualitative. The focus of the study examines life stories through the narrative research method. The methodology is based on life story research (Lieblich et al. 1998). For the purposes of this study, homeless young adults previously involved in the child welfare system provided life story narratives. Each participant’s narrative is the source for information to explore questions related to their past experiences and current life problems in order to discern a common narrative among all study participants.

Participants

Twelve homeless young adults—9 female and 3 male; 8 African American, 2 Caucasian, 1 Latino, and 1 mixed-race—between the ages of 18 and 26 (mean age = 20.42 years) took part in the study. Half of the study participants were either involved in a relationship or married. Notably, three were pregnant, one had a young child, and another had recently lost her child to foster care. Participants were either residing in shelters or transitional living programs or were involved with outreach and/or drop-in services provided by local community agencies in a major Midwest city.

Data Collection and Instrumentation

Data collection took place over a 5 month period in 2006. A semi-structured interview protocol, containing both closed and open-ended questions, was used. To gather demographic information such as age, amount of time spent in the child welfare system, number of placements while in substitute care, time since being in care, length of time of homelessness, etc., subjects were asked specific closed-ended questions. In addition to demographic information, subjects were asked to answer open-ended questions related to specific areas of inquiry including: their past experiences (e.g., abuse/neglect, exposure to violence, family dynamics, etc.), interpersonal relationships (e.g., connections with others), and behaviors (e.g., substance use, delinquency, risk-taking behaviors—prostitution, gang involvement, etc.) prior to and during their involvement with the child welfare system as well as during the past several weeks.

To improve the reliability and validity of the interview protocol, questions relating to childhood backgrounds, relationships, behaviors, and experiences in the child welfare system were derived from questions posed in similar research studies (Courtney et al. 2001, 2004). Questions in the Courtney et al. studies appeared to examine many of the same areas of participants’ lives that were of interest in this study. All interviews were audio recorded with permission from the participants.

While the semi-structured interview was used to obtain personal life narratives, a brief quantitative measure of the participants’ current emotional and behavioral functioning was administered to enrich the profile of the subjects and to explore consistencies and discrepancies between narrative reports and scale scores. The Behavior and Symptom Identification Scale (BASIS-32) is a 32-item self-report scale that examines symptoms as well as one’s perception of emotional and behavioral functioning in five major areas: (1) relation to self/others, (2) daily living/role functioning skills, (3) depression/anxiety, (4) impulsive/addictive behavior, and (5) psychosis. The measure asks respondents to rate the degree of difficulty they have experienced in each area in the past week on a 5-point Likert scale (McLean n.d.).

In addition to the semi-structured interview and the standardized measure of current functioning, field notes were written after each interview. This was not initially intended as part of the study. However, several things occurred related to subjects’ statements and interpersonal interactions after the formal process ended that seemed to warrant acknowledgement.

Data Analysis

The semi-structured interviews were recorded and transcribed for data analysis. The narratives were then analyzed using a categorical-content model (Lieblich et al. 1998). Specific utterances are extracted from the text, coded, and classified into different categories. Data analysis consisted of identifying and categorizing themes. These themes were then analyzed using both quantitative and qualitative methods.

The overarching themes and categories derived from the qualitative interviews were counted using Atlas.ti 5.2 to determine the frequency of their occurrence in the narrative (Creswell 2003; Lieblich et al. 1998; Rubin and Babbie 2001). The total number of subjects referring to and the number of times each theme occurred across narratives was tabulated. The patterns, themes, and dynamics that emerged in the various content categories were analyzed using concepts from self psychology and illustrated with supportive quotes from participants’ narratives. Reoccurring themes that were noted in the qualitative data analysis were examined in conjunction with quantitative interpretation. Subject demographic data was entered into Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) for descriptive statistical analysis (Rubin and Babbie 2001).

The analysis of the quantitative data collected from the standardized measure of functioning—BASIS-32—was structured according to the pre-designed scoring system of the instrument itself. The overall score and the subscale scores were calculated by averaging the ratings of each component. The BASIS-32 contains a scoring program for SPSS. The program computes the scores for each subscale and the overall average score (McLean n.d.). The relationship and impulsivity subscale scores were of primary interest. This information was compared to the themes from the qualitative interview protocol to look for similarities and discrepancies in personal life story narrative reports of experiences and quantitative measures of symptoms and functioning.

Results

Data from this study generated several intriguing findings. Participants reported an average age of entry into the child welfare system of 5.13 years. The mean age subjects exited from substitute care was 14. On average, participants spent about 8.96 years in substitute care and had 5.58 placements. Interestingly, six of the subjects left the foster care system due to adoption, five were emancipated, and one was returned home. The average length of time homeless or precariously housed since exit from substitute care was 1.46 years.

At the time of this study, 50% of participants reported being precariously housed (e.g., living with friends, relatives, in a hotel—in a non-permanent arrangement) while 41.7% were residing in a shelter. One person was currently without housing and living on the streets. Despite the lack of long-term, permanent living arrangements, 8 of the 12 subjects (66.7%) had cell phones.

Without knowing its full impact, it seems notable that when examining subject demographic data, half of the sample had been adopted from substitute care prior to becoming homeless. This was striking and unexpected. Based on the literature and the experiences of the researchers, it was presumed that most of the study’s subjects would have reported aging out of the child welfare system. The assumption was that without adequate self-structures and supports, emancipated youth would have difficulty maintaining stability. Systemically within the child welfare system, the assumption seems to be that providing a child with a permanent home—such as through adoption—is of primary importance to development and mitigates future problems. Though stability is a key factor to a child’s emotional growth, without the chance to experience a nurturing, consistent relationship, where mirroring and idealizing self object needs are met and a solid self-structure is built, a permanent placement alone does not seem sufficient to ensure a healthy future.

This is congruent with the psychosocial model of foster care proposed by Schofield (2002) that was developed based on data from a qualitative study of young adults who grew up in foster care. Schofield found that predictability, sensitive care and feeling a sense of value and unconditional love contribute to successful future outcomes. In this study, the lack of these features appears to have negatively affected subjects’ future stability and overall well-being outcomes. The youth in this study arrived in substitute care with significant deficits in their self-structure, which were rooted in their earlier experiences. However, neither foster care nor adoption seemed to remediate these deficits, perhaps because elaborate defenses developed for survival. Substitute care relationships may have helped sustain youth in some ways but did not appear to be a corrective experience. As such, patterns of behaviors were repeated.

Overall and not surprisingly, the results of this study suggested that young adults who became homeless or precariously housed upon exit from the child welfare system were those that suffered repeated abuse, neglect, and trauma in their early lives, grew up in chaotic family environments, and with parents or caretakers struggling with their own self deficits, including substance use, mental illness, and violence. Table 1 presents the young adults’ problematic experiences prior to entering substitute care. The early familial experiences of these young adults were consistent with the background characteristics of homeless youth and young persons post-child welfare involvement, as depicted in previous research (Cauce and Morgan 1994; Courtney et al. 2001, 2004; Pecora et al. 2005; Rew et al. 2001; Robertson and Toro 1999; Thompson et al. 2001; Tyler 2006; Tyler and Johnson 2006).

Table 1 Experiences before substitute care
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For this sample of youth, once in substitute care, early familial dynamics were not only perpetuated but amplified. Table 2 illustrates the problematic themes articulated by this sample of young adults while in substitute care. Similar to prior research findings, maltreatment in care was not uncommon and youth experienced instability and lack of consistency in relationships due to multiple placement moves and extended periods of time spent in the child welfare system (Courtney et al. 2001; Pecora et al. 2005). Further, youth acknowledged a range of moods, treatment for mental health problems, and they engaged in a variety of behaviors, including running away and acts of violence, which were also comparable to past research findings (Courtney et al. 2001, 2004; Leathers and Testa 2006; Nelson 2001; and Pecora et al. 2005).

Table 2 Experiences during substitute care
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Upon reaching the age of majority and formally exiting substitute care or severing ties with the child welfare system through adoption or other permanency goals, these young adults were not immune to continued victimization, still described experiencing a variety of strong affective states, and engaged in risk-taking behaviors. Table 3 presents a summary of the problematic experiences in post-substitute care. Similarly, recent research found that for young adults post-exit from the child welfare system, mental health problems are routinely identified with reports of feeling lonely, different, and with no connections, delinquency and incarceration are prevalent, youth are at increased risk of victimization, and homelessness is widespread (Brandford and English 2004; Courtney et al. 2001, 2004; Leathers and Testa 2006; Nelson 2001; Pecora et al. 2005; Reilly 2003). Interestingly for the young adults in this study, though they still struggled with these issues, their portrayed experiences and behaviors were less severe than as reported while in substitute care and prior and they developed a wealth of coping and survival skills.

Table 3 Experiences after substitute care
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Overall, pervading all of the experiences throughout their lives was a sense of repeated relational disappointments and ongoing efforts to seek a sense of strength and wholeness through the idealization of others. Table 4 summarizes the all encompassing pervasive experiences study participants experience as young adults.

Table 4 All encompassing experiences
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Subjects’ scores on a standardized measure of current functioning (BASIS-32) and reactions to the interview experience were captivating. Figure 1 presents the mean scores for each BASIS-32 subscale. On the measure of current functioning, subjects reported having the most difficulty in the areas of relationships with themselves and others (mean score = 2.01) as well as mood (mean score = 1.98), though their scores fell in the moderate range.

Fig. 1
figure 1

Behavior and symptom identification scale (BASIS-32). Relation to self/other: mean = 2.01; Daily living/role functioning: mean = 1.87; Depression/anxiety: mean = 1.98; Impulsive/addictive: mean = 1.21; psychosis: mean = 0.90; Total average: mean = 1.63

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This differed from their narrative presentations where their stories reflected more disappointing relationships and struggles with mood. Though they could tell their stories, when asked to more directly attach a concrete numeral to these experiences, they ranked them as less troubling than their narratives would have predicted. Perhaps subjects were able to cut off some degree of their feelings when rating their experiences and did not view these areas in their lives as that difficult at present, or a lower rating may have served as a means of self-preservation. In a similar way with their narratives, youth justified having been abused or neglected. Lower ratings of current distress on the BASIS-32 and rationalization of past maltreatment via narratives may have been the subjects’ attempts to maintain an ideal image.

Further, it is conceivable that the experience of disclosing one’s narrative was cathartic for some subjects. This was evidenced by a caseworker’s report of notable changes within subjects after interviews and by subjects’ own verbalization of positive feelings. As the scale was administered at the completion of the interview process, less distressed scores could represent more positive overall feelings at the time subjects were asked to rate their emotions and experiences.

Contrarily, subjects’ scale scores may have actually been the more accurate representation of their most recent experiences. In their narrative reports, though problems with relationships and mood still existed, subjects noted fewer current difficulties at present than while in substitute care or at home. It was predicted that, based on the literature in self psychology regarding behaviors in support of affect regulation and given the experiences of the subjects, the subscale measure of impulsive/addictive behaviors would be ranked among the highest. This was not the case. In their narratives, this had been true for subjects during their time in the child welfare system and directly upon becoming homeless but was not a serious issue at present. The researchers’ experience with this population suggested that subjects would be more dysregulated and thus score higher on this subscale. It may be that the particular subjects who chose to participate in the study were able to do so because they were less impulsive, had more of an ability to regulate their emotions, at least for a period of time, and were somewhat more stable; they had enough self-structure to arrange and keep an appointment. If this is true, it might account for their lower self ratings of impulsivity. Noteworthy is that if these subjects—who experienced repeated maltreatment and still struggled to manage their emotions—are, in essence, more organized, what might be the self states of those homeless youth who were did not participate.

Regarding the events that followed the interviews, that subjects wanted to share other aspects of their lives (e.g., sonograms, art work) and were interested in and had the capacity to experience a sense of connection (e.g., desired to have picture taken with researcher, reported to be more open with caseworkers) was telling. Perhaps some found relief or a sense of warmth and closeness through being able to share their story in a safe and empathic environment and with someone interested in them. For others, it may have simply been an opportunity to show, and perhaps prove to themselves, that their lives were not fraught with badness but that there was more to them than their past negative experiences and, in some cases, new lives (i.e., pregnancies) were beginning.

Conceptual Model and Discussion

This study’s aim was to better conceptualize the experiences of homeless young adults who were once part of the child welfare system. Based on the results of the study, Fig. 2 presents a conceptual model, drawing on core theoretical considerations from self psychology. This model has the potential to serve not only as a vehicle for increased understanding of the experiences and psychological needs and make up of youth as they progress through the child welfare system to adulthood, but also to aid in the promotion of more empathic, supportive, reliable, and consistent relationship building while youth are still in care. These experiences may serve to compensate for early familial relational deficits and promote future healthy emotional growth and self-structure development, including affect regulation, as well as support overall stability for young people as they leave substitute care, in whatever capacity that may be.

Fig. 2
figure 2

Conceptual model

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In the narratives of the young people in the study, there was clear indication that the entirety of their experiences prior to, during, and post-foster care were inter-related and, in some ways, seemed to move along a continuum of time and development. For these youth, even before beginning their journey in substitute care, there were notable deficits in the realm of mirroring self objects and idealized parent imagoes; they lacked the experiences that contribute to one’s sense of value, worth, and feelings of admiration as well as predictability, consistency, and reliability from primary caretakers viewed as omnipotent. This was caused by problems with which parents or caretakers struggled (e.g., substance use, mental illness, and domestic violence) and which seemingly hindered and limited their ability to tend to the needs of their children. As one study participant described:

My mom, she has a mental illness. She’s schizophrenic. She used a lot of hardcore drugs. I don’t know exactly what…. She thought we were the devil’s kids so…that’s probably why she left us alone so much.

Without these parental functions, the creation of one’s self-structure, as well as the ability to manage emotions in childhood and promote healthy affect regulation and well-being throughout the life course, is affected.

When caretakers become abusive or neglectful, their children are deprived of needed admiration and feelings of security. Further, the children may be viewed by their caretakers as malignant. If so, children may experience powerful feelings—which are seemingly projections from their caretakers—of being inconsequential or hated and despised. Children may come to see themselves as hateful, destructive, and bad and feel no sense of safety or certainty in their world. One young adult articulated this:

[About her mother, the subject revealed] I know she really doesn’t particularly like me. I don’t think she loves me. I don’t think she’s ever said that to me…. I felt rejected by my mother, yes, and by other family members sometimes…. We had other family but I don’t think they wanted to be bothered. I don’t think that’s right. They stood there and watched. We didn’t have contact with our family the whole time we were in the system. Birthdays…we didn’t have any contact…. My mother, I didn’t see her until she was trying to get us back.

Children with these early experiences of neglect and rejection enter substitute care with a deficit in their self-structure resulting from deprivation of adequate mirroring and idealization. In addition, they may experience themselves as malevolent. They may be disappointed in their relationships and feel disappointing to others. Relational disappointment, in this case, means that early self objects failed to serve their function. As such, in the present, self object needs are repeatedly disappointed because they are archaic and defensive structures—long since created to protect the self from fragmentation—and are entrenched in the self-structure. Thus, one’s troubled self-structure is reflected in repeated patterns of relational disappointment.

Substitute care, perhaps with intensive intervention, has the potential to compensate for early experiences and deficits in the self if children are placed in environments where caregivers understand the effects of early relational disappointments and maltreatment on the development of self-structure and emotional regulation. If this does not occur, substitute caregivers cannot be experienced as adequate self objects for the children in their charge. They may also perpetuate feelings of inadequacy, worthlessness, and insecurity through abusive and neglectful treatment; children may continue to move along the continuum of lacking certain basic needs, not experiencing a sense of safety, and not developing the skills to manage overwhelming emotions. Speaking about several foster homes, one participant summed up the experiences:

We got food withheld because they were mad at us. One lady had a lock code on the refrigerator…. We had foster parents who…she had enough room for all of us. But, downstairs in the basement we slept on pallets on the floor. We were lined up, the girls on this wall, the boys on that wall. If we got in trouble, we had to stand up and do squats. We had to do this for three or four hours a day… if your legs cramped or hurt, she didn’t care and you’d cry. She had a laundry shoot she could look down and you had to have your hands in front of you so she could see your hands going up and down. When the caseworker would come, she would give us nice clothes and we would go upstairs and sit and wait. When she left, we’d have to give the clothes back and we’d go back downstairs. That was the only place we could go in the house.

In an attempt to gain some semblance of mastery and control over their emotions and experiences, and without the psychological assistance of primary caregivers, children resort to behaviors such as aggression, drug use, self-harm, and running away, as a means of self-regulation. As one young adult said:

I used to fight everyday at school…. I was sitting back on the block smoking and drinking…. I was only 13 or 14, getting drunk and getting high…. I’d be stealing money and all kinda stuff…. I tried overdosing. I tried all type of stuff because I felt like my family really didn’t care about us.

In the child welfare system, these types of behaviors are not always fully understood from a psychological standpoint. Instead, they are viewed as disruptive and defiant and may result in frequent placement changes. Repeated moves—in other words, continued self object disruptions—perpetuate feelings of inconsequentiality and unease.

There are certain substitute caregivers that do have the capacity to compensate for the early deficits and negative feelings of these children. Yet, perhaps there is a reluctance or inability on the part of the children to connect with anyone out of fear that the other might view them as they view themselves—bad and hateful. For the children that eventually end up homeless upon exit from substitute care, it might be that their self-structure was so damaged early on that they could not use what their caregivers had to offer and, for that matter, could not benefit from concrete life skills services because their psychological make up was not intact. Further, that a number of subjects became homeless even after being adopted suggests that adoption and the idea of permanency seem to be more of a legal status than a cure for a disordered self. Intensive clinical treatment and intervention may be necessary to compensate for the deficits of the self. All of these questions are in need of further exploration.

Whether deficits in self-structure were not compensated for by substitute caregivers or children could not use their caregivers in this capacity, feelings of emptiness and lack of value, importance, and strength persist into young adulthood. In an ongoing effort to make sense of their experiences and establish feelings of wholeness and well-being, young adults with this life trajectory employ a variety of defenses to protect themselves from emotional fragmentation. In addition to the use of certain behaviors (e.g., substance use, aggression, self-harm, etc.), other defense mechanisms evolve. These defenses guard against tarnishing a fantasized image of an idealized caregiver imago, which youth need to maintain a sense of narrative cohesion and coherence. They developed the capacity to continue to seek an idealizable object. Further, they began to idealize themselves to serve in the absence of omnipotent others and provide an experience of worth and esteem.

Despite having been maltreated, and perhaps left with feelings of insignificance and apprehension, it is difficult for most people to consistently live in this realm of psychological confusion. As such, young adults with repeated disruptions and disappointments in the self object surround may reflect on fond memories of their idealized others and early life events and highlight their own abilities and strengths in spite of negative experiences. Regarding the capacity to continue to ideal others, even if it means rationalizing behaviors, as well as the self, young adult said:

My mother left us in the house…but she always came back. Even though she was on drugs, she never left us for days. It was me, my sister, and my newborn brother…but she always came back…. There’s nothing good about a mother who’s on crack but she wasn’t the worst mother. She was a bad parent but she made sure she took care of us.

I’m impressed with myself. I am. I’m very impressed with myself and I’m proud of myself too. The things that happened to me should have shut me off right then and there. That’s why I call myself a destined child.

The capacity to continue to seek idealizable others, including oneself, provides some semblance of personal importance and value as well as feelings of emotional stability and security and it can be used by youth as they enter adulthood on their own.

However, in fact, these young people are homeless. Homelessness is the epitome of instability and a prime example of dysregulation. The lack of external, concrete physical boundaries, control, and security (i.e., housing, financial stability, etc.) associated with homelessness are also symbolic and representative of the internal psychological lives of these young adults (i.e., uncertainty, emotional insecurity, etc.). They appear to exist in a perpetual state of chaos, physically and psychologically. This constant state of dysregulation, at times, functions to stave off connection to emotional pain. It is also a way to be connected to a dysregulated other; connection exists in the form of chaos.

The conceptual model proposed is just one of many possible ways to articulate the experiences of homeless young adults who were once involved in the child welfare system from a theoretical perspective. Regardless of the theory used, the important point is that there are many facets to consider when contemplating the underlying needs of children in care, beyond concrete skill building and permanency, and planning for their future success and well-being.

Limitations of the Study

As this was a primarily qualitative exploratory study with embedded quantitative measures and using a non-random sample, caution must be taken when considering these findings in relation to the larger population of homeless young adults who were formerly part of the child welfare system. The sample size was limited and there may have been certain qualities about these young adults that drew them to the study that may not be true for those youth who did not participate. Further, subjects’ life stories were examined mainly from a content analysis approach, which pulls text out of context and thus runs the risk of misinterpretation as stand alone data. Moreover, the majority of the data were gathered via self-report. There is always the risk with this type of data collection that memories may not be complete or accurate or that subjects will not fully disclose information for various reasons. In addition, though the quantitative measure of current functioning (BASIS-32) has been found reasonably reliable and valid, it was never used with this particular population. Thus, the accuracy and applicability to this study, though deemed useful, could not be guaranteed.

Finally, there are multiple theoretical perspectives from which to examine this population. Self psychology is just one of many theoretical lenses from which to consider these subjects and their experiences. There has been much work done on attachment and trauma in relation to children with abusive backgrounds or in substitute care. As such, elements of attachment theory or aspects of the various trauma-based theories could serve as alternative means of assessing and making meaning of the experiences of this population.

Implications for Social Work Practice and Policy

Most of the information about the well-being of former wards comes from broad descriptive studies designed to present an overview of this population’s current functioning and outcomes in the areas of education, employment, housing, legal involvement, and physical and mental health. This study goes beyond obtaining information about the general status of former wards. Specifically, it focuses on homeless former wards and examines the possible inter-relationship between their childhood histories, experiences in substitute care, relationships, and current patterns of affect regulation and behaviors using self psychology as a theoretical framework. Information collected through this study may provide ways to better conceptualize the experiences of homeless young adults who were once a part of the child welfare system and work with youth in substitute care in order to best meet their needs—with the goal of enhancing relationships and improving affect stability—potentially increasing their chances of remaining domiciled post-care. Further, it could have an impact on policy, allotting for more focus on and spending and training in support of creating and maintaining healthy substitute care relationships as part of moving youth toward exiting care.

Conclusion and Implications for Future Research

Although much was discovered about the experiences of homeless young adults who were once involved with the child welfare system, there is still much to learn. Focusing additional research on broadening the scope of and increasing the sample size may provide additional data or highlight nuances within the data that were not captured in the present study. Alternatively, examining the experiences of this population from other theoretical perspectives could offer additional interpretations for consideration in working with these young people. Additionally, studying the psychological structure and experiences of a group of young adults with more successful outcomes (e.g., financial stability, higher educations, steady employment and housing, etc.) could better illuminate any significant factors that separate more positive from less desired well-being outcomes. Similarly, it would be interesting to see if youth in substitute care who are deemed more emotionally stable perform better in the area of independent living or use concrete skills of daily living more effectively. Finally, as so many subjects became homeless after having been adopted, closer evaluation of adoptive family dynamics and the psychological needs of children in substitute care seems warranted.

A more thorough understanding of the effects of chronic maltreatment and repeated failed relationships on the development of the self may support those in the field of child welfare as they work with substitute caregivers and have implications for social work practice and policy. Armed with this type of knowledge, child welfare workers may have a better chance of ensuring that substitute caregivers are fully aware of and committed to providing for the needs of the children in their charge and that the child welfare system supports this perspective in practice and in policy. Caregivers may come to understand that when children exhibit certain behaviors, their purpose is not to be disruptive but to regulate their overwhelming emotions in the only way in which they have learned. Knowing these things could help caregivers in general, not just adoptive parents, and the child welfare system as a whole compensate for the early experiences of these children, support healthy relationships, and serve in the capacity of aiding emotional regulation.