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The Decline of the Ur III Dynasty: The End of an Empire and Its Afterlife in the Collective Memory of Mesopotamian Societies

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The End of Empires

Abstract

Rise and fall of the Ur-III state show veritable signs of a short-term-empire formation. According to two source groups we have different perspectives on the decline: The first should show us, as contemporary sources, i.e. mainly economic and administrative documents, how to understand the decline and the decomposition of the areal state of Ur III. They do not mention explicitly a decline, but rather insinuate a transformation process. The tempting idea of the decline is coined thanks a second source group that presents the existing ancient narrative about the decline. Scholarly compositions that mirror an admirable historical consciousness, present elements of a construction of a (master) narrative of the fall ex post in order to argue the new (political) conditions.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Nissen (2012: 86–87); Van de Mieroop (2007: 75–77); Flückiger-Hawker (1999: 1–11) All year numbers given follow the middle chronology (MC); See recently Sallaberger and Schrakamp (2015, 131).

  2. 2.

    See most recently Sallaberger (2015: 422–431).

  3. 3.

    Dahl (2007: 13–14).

  4. 4.

    Flückiger-Hawker (1999).

  5. 5.

    Sallaberger and Schrakamp (2015: 113–130); Steinkeller (2015).

  6. 6.

    Krecher (1978: 138).

  7. 7.

    Marchesi (2010: 231).

  8. 8.

    The historical and theological concept is tightly connected with the term bala = palû—“rotation, turn, reign, a specific time span of reign, term of office”. This bala is the predetermined time-span that cannot be altered. Cp. Samet (2014: 21); Galter (2006: 282–283).

  9. 9.

    Adams (2009: 1).

  10. 10.

    Cp. basically for the definition of an empire: Gehler and Rollinger (2014); and ad rem Neumann (2014).

  11. 11.

    Cp. recently Neumann (2014: esp. 40–47), with bibliography; Garfinkle (2013: esp. 162–163), reluctantly asks for “State formation in Early Mesopotamia: The question of Empire” from an economical perspective.

  12. 12.

    Marchesi (2013); De Graef (2015); Sallaberger and Schrakamp (2015: 124–125 and 131).

  13. 13.

    For the historical Geography of the Iran cp. Schrakamp (In press). I am grateful to Ingo Schrakamp for having allowed me to look at his work.

  14. 14.

    Dahl (2007: 17–20).

  15. 15.

    Sallaberger (1999: 156). “Die rasche Abfolge von Feldzügen in dasselbe Gebiet zeigt, dass es sich nicht um Vernichtungskriege handeln kann, sondern Beutezüge, um Menschen, Tiere, Metalle und Steine zu erbeuten, wie dies zeitgenössische Quellen bestätigen”.

  16. 16.

    Edzard (2004: 5); For the concept of pax in imperial contexts see Gehler and Rollinger (2014: 20).

  17. 17.

    Sallaberger and Schrakamp (2015: 131).

  18. 18.

    The scarce attestation of the organisation and the supply of the army via documentary sources strangely contradicts its importance for the expansion of the empire. Cp. basically Lafont (2008, 2009).

  19. 19.

    For the political marriages see Weiershäuser (2008: 260–269); Sallaberger (1999: 159–161).

  20. 20.

    The secondary literature concerning the bureaucratic organisation of Ur III is vast. The degree of an efficient centralized bureaucracy, as well as the centralization itself has recently been discussed and challenged, Garfinkle (2013); Ingo Schrakamp writes: “Trotz wiederholter, schrittweise durchgeführter Maßnahmen zur Zentralisierung auf wirtschaftlicher, administrativer, religiöser und ideologischer Ebene gelang es den Ur III-Herrschern nie, eine zentralistische Bürokratie aufzubauen, so dass gegen Ende der Ur III-Zeit lokale Eliten funktionstüchtige politische Einheiten in den Grenzen der alten Stadtstaaten in die Unabhängigkeit führen konnten”. Schrakamp (2010: 152).

  21. 21.

    Sharlach (2004).

  22. 22.

    Wilcke (2002); Civil (2011).

  23. 23.

    Lang (2008: 50–51).

  24. 24.

    Lafont (2009: 2).

  25. 25.

    Sharlach (2005).

  26. 26.

    McIntosh (2008: esp. 182–191); Maekawa and Mori (2011); Steinkeller (2013); Laursen and Steinkeller (2017: esp. 47–62 and 82–88).

  27. 27.

    Jacobsen (1953); Wilcke (1970); Edzard (1998: 149–152).

  28. 28.

    For a detailed analysis of Ibbi-Sîn’s disaster. Schaudig (2019).

  29. 29.

    The literature on this topic is vast. See recently Michalowski (2011a: 82–121).

  30. 30.

    For a critical statement on this see Michalowski (2011a: 173–175).

  31. 31.

    Sallaberger and Schrakamp (2015: 131).

  32. 32.

    Buccellati (1966); Wilcke (1969); Wossink (2009: 119–137); Michalowski (2011a: 82–121).

  33. 33.

    Silver (2016: esp. 276–279); Sallaberger (1999: 159, 2009).

  34. 34.

    Cp. Michalowski (2011a: 171).

  35. 35.

    Sallaberger (1999: 177 with references).

  36. 36.

    Potts (1999: 142–145); Sallaberger and Schrakamp (2015: 24–25).

  37. 37.

    Lafont (1995); Sallaberger (1999: 174–175); Frayne (1997: 366).

  38. 38.

    Potts (1994: 134).

  39. 39.

    For a discussion of this term and its application to the empire of Ur III see below.

  40. 40.

    Lafont (1995); Sallaberger (1999: 174); Sallaberger and Schrakamp (2015: 131–133).

  41. 41.

    Jacobsen (1953: 38); Gomi (1984); Frayne (1997: 366); Lafont (1995: 89–90).

  42. 42.

    Cp. Sallaberger (1999: 174).

  43. 43.

    Cp. Michalowski (2011b: 19–20).

  44. 44.

    Frayne (1997).

  45. 45.

    Cp. Marchesi (2013).

  46. 46.

    For the case of the fate of Ur cp. Glassner (2000: 389).

  47. 47.

    Van Dijk (1978); Vanstiphout (1989–90); Michalowski (2011a: 171 and 195).

  48. 48.

    diš-bi-er3-ra lugal kalam-ma-┌še3┐ ma2-ri2ki-ta mu-[un-suḫ-eš] (IE G, l. 11'), Michalowski (2005: 203–204).

  49. 49.

    Sallaberger and Schrakamp (2015: 33).

  50. 50.

    Lafont (2009: 1).

  51. 51.

    Such-Gutiérrez (2020).

  52. 52.

    See now Piotr Michalowski’s opus magnum, the edition and abundant annotation. Michalowski (2011a).

  53. 53.

    Hallo (2006).

  54. 54.

    Michalowski (2011b: 20); Huber (2001).

  55. 55.

    Michalowski (2011b: 185–187).

  56. 56.

    Huber (2001).

  57. 57.

    The lack of grain attested by archival sources cp. Gomi (1984) mentioned in letter 21 seems not to be an invention of scholars, but possibly to hint to a knowledge of archival sources that are inweaved into the historizing but fictionary framework of the story of the royal letters.

  58. 58.

    Until nowadays five city laments, partly already attested in ancient literary catalogues, are known: The Lament over Ur, The Lament over Sumer and Ur, The Lament over Uruk, The Lament over Eridu, and The Lament over Nippur. Cp. recently Samet (2014: 3–5).

  59. 59.

    Samet (2014).

  60. 60.

    Michalowski (1989).

  61. 61.

    Maul (2003: esp. 79–80); Maul (2013: passim).

  62. 62.

    Reiner (1974); Cooper (1980); Michalowski (2011a: 212).

  63. 63.

    Cp. Basically Goetze (1947); Reiner (1974); Cooper (1980). Examples will follow below.

  64. 64.

    Reiner (1974: 261).

  65. 65.

    See above, note 18.

  66. 66.

    Rollinger et al. (2020).

  67. 67.

    Rollinger et al. (2020).

  68. 68.

    See above, note 18.

  69. 69.

    Garfinkle (2013: 164).

  70. 70.

    Richardson (2008: 153).

  71. 71.

    Adams (2009: §3.4).

  72. 72.

    Lafont (1995: 10); Van de Mieroop (1987: 126); Potts (1994: 134–135).

  73. 73.

    Pohl (2005: 13–38); Steinacher (2017: 23–31); Börm (2018: 177–183).

  74. 74.

    Garfinkle (2013: 162–164); Dahl (2007: 30) by referring to the account text from Ur, UET 3, 1498.

  75. 75.

    Reiner (1974); Starr (1977); Cooper (1980); Michalowski (2011a: 212–215); Glassner (1997, 2000); Maul (2013: esp. 210–213).

  76. 76.

    From Mari about Ibbi-Su’en: a-mu-ut ṣú-ḫa-ra-im si i-bi-den.zu ba-táq ma-ti-šu i-ba-al-ki-ti-šu—“omen of the diminishing (of the land) pertaining to Ibbi-Sin, the end of the country, they? will rebel against him”. Rutten (1938: no. 6); In an Old Babylonian omen collection one can read: a-mu-ut, i-bi-den.zu ša ma-tum ip-ḫu-ru-nim “omen of Ibbi-Sin, against whom the land gathered (in revolt)”. YOS 10 36 i: 13–14 [Götze 1947: pl. 36]; A later tradition (Šumma Izbu) says about Išbi-Erra: amūt (ba-ut) iš-bi-der-ra šá maḫira (gaba.ri) la (nu) irši (tuk-┌ši┐)—“omen of Išbi-Erra who had no opponent”. Leichty (1970: 83 l. 105).

  77. 77.

    For the relevant omen texts see Glassner (2000: 389–390).

  78. 78.

    Glassner (2000: 391).

  79. 79.

    Michalowski (2005: 205).

  80. 80.

    Lament over Sumer and Ur, lines 364–369, ed. and transl. Michalowski (1989: 58–59).

  81. 81.

    Samet (2014: 21).

  82. 82.

    Cp. the recent overview given in Fink (2021, esp. 16–25).

  83. 83.

    I owe thanks to Sebastian Fink for having made possible a preview into his paper “Changes in Ur III border regions—a homemade Disaster?”.

  84. 84.

    See the lines from the Lament over Sumer and Ur quoted above.

  85. 85.

    For the question, how the cultic laments and the literary city laments were related see recently. Samet (2014: 1–3).

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  1. Institut für Alte Geschichte und Altorientalistik, Universität Innsbruck, Innsbruck, Austria

    Martin Lang

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  1. Stiftung Universität Hildesheim, Hildesheim, Germany

    Michael Gehler

  2. Universität Innsbruck, Innsbruck, Austria

    Robert Rollinger

  3. University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria

    Philipp Strobl

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Lang, M. (2022). The Decline of the Ur III Dynasty: The End of an Empire and Its Afterlife in the Collective Memory of Mesopotamian Societies. In: Gehler, M., Rollinger, R., Strobl, P. (eds) The End of Empires. Universal- und kulturhistorische Studien. Studies in Universal and Cultural History. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-36876-0_3

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