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An Empire of Graeco-Bactrians and Indo-Greeks?

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Empires to be remembered

Abstract

Although the label of ‘empire’ has been used for the Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek kingdoms, we run into numerous difficulties when trying to frame and conceptualize these dynasties as an ancient Central Asian empire per se, comparable with contemporary and non-contemporary imperial structures. On the one hand, we find ourselves confronted with difficulties that relate to the sparse and problematic nature of ancient testimonies which naturally affect any attempt to reconstruct the political history and structural characteristics of the Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek domination at hand. On the other hand, complications arise from problematic terminologies used in this field of research and the associated approaches to characterize that rule. In this paper we nevertheless attempt to engage with this paradox.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For the use of the label of ‘empire’ for these kingdoms, see, for instance, Boardman (2015), p. 83; Morris (2020).

  2. 2.

    Namely Diodotus I and Diodotus II (Just. 41.4; cf. also Pol. 11.34.2; Strab. 11.9.3), Euthydemus (Pol. 10.49, 11.34; Strab. 11.11.1), Demetrius (Pol. 11.34; cf. Strab. 11.9.2, 11.1) and Eucratides (Just. 41.6; Strab. 11.9.2, 11.2), who all ruled in Bactria, while ofliterary sources only mention king Menander (Strab. 11.11.1) who ruled in India. One Demetrius “rex Indorum” who besieged Eucratides (Just. 41.6) may be added to the list, although it is not totally clear whether this ruler is the same or a different king than the aforementioned Demetrius, son of Euthydemus. Coins however, record the names of at least forty more rulers (actual or aspiring) who issued mints. See Bopearachchi (1991); Narain (2008, pp. 420–421).

  3. 3.

    See e. g. Pol. 11.34.1–10.

  4. 4.

    Strab. 11.11.1–2; Pol. 10.49, 11.34.1–10; Ptol. 6.11.

  5. 5.

    The most important and best-known of these texts is the Milindapañha (see below); for it, see von Hinüber (2000, pp. 82–86); Kubica (2021).

  6. 6.

    Shi Ji 123 (Watson 1961, pp. 231–252); Hanshu 61, 96a, 96b (Hulsewé and Loewe 1979); Hou Hanshu 88.14–15 (Hill 2015a [2003], pp. 29–31). For discussion, see Yang (2021). For a comparison between the Graeco-Roman sources and the Chinese sources, see Hill (2015b [2003], pp. 133–161).

  7. 7.

    Canali De Rossi (2004); Rougemont (2012); discussion in Mairs (2021).

  8. 8.

    See Rougemont (2012: nos. 95, 101, 122, 138–142). The Bactrian language did not have its own writing system yet; Bactrian developed its cursive script based on the Greek alphabet in Kushan times (Sims-Williams 1996, 1997, 2012), perhaps even earlier (Ivanchik 2011, pp. 70–74.).

  9. 9.

    Important works are e.g. Bopearachchi (1991, 1998); Holt (1999); Cribb (2007); Jakobsson (2007); Widemann (2009); Bordeaux (2018); and most recently, Glenn (2020) Bordeaux (2021) and Glenn (2021) provide excellent introductions to the use of coins for Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek history. For a bibliographic survey of numismatic studies of the Hellenistic Far East, see Glenn (2016).

  10. 10.

    Hiebert and Cambon (2008); Aruz and Valtz Fino (2012). For a bibliographic survey on the archaeology of Hellenistic Bactria and India, see Mairs (2011 with annual updates online (www.bactria.org)

  11. 11.

    See e.g. Grissmann and Hiebert (2008); Massoudi (2012); Simpson (2016). For Ai Khanoum specifically, see Bernard (2001).

  12. 12.

    For a concise historiographic overview of the Hellenization debate, see e.g. Rossi (2011); Strootman (2011).

  13. 13.

    Dietler (1998, p. 290, 296).

  14. 14.

    E.g. Palmié (2013); Stockhammer (2013); Silliman (2015).

  15. 15.

    Pappa (2013, pp. 27–28); Stockhammer (2013, pp. 12–15). It should be noted that we refer here to ubiquitous notions of hybridity, deprived from the political semantic substance of the word as introduced by Homi K. Bhabha in his 1994 Location of Culture, which specifies the term’s use for colonial contexts in which indigenous peoples mimic the culture of the colonizers as a counterhegemonic action, resulting in ambivalent (‘hybrid’) cultural production.

  16. 16.

    Silliman (2013, pp. 489–496).

  17. 17.

    Globalization theory does not refer to a uniform theory, but to several threads of theories in interdisciplinary discussions about globalization. For Bactria, see Hoo (2015); Mairs (2016a); Hoo (2018a); Hoo (2021).

  18. 18.

    Friedman (1990); Robertson (1995); Hahn (2008); Nederveen Pieterse (2009, pp. 70–75, 84–87). For globalization approaches to the ancient world, see: e.g. Hodos (2010); Whitmarsh (2010); Versluys (2014); Pitts and Versluys (2015); Hodos (2016); Strootman and Versluys (2017).

  19. 19.

    Hoo (2015, pp. 36–39); Hoo (2018a, pp. 175–181).

  20. 20.

    For the case of the Greek settler community, see Mairs (2006, 2008, 2014a); Martinez-Sève 2016. See also Mairs (2014b, pp. 102–145) for a case study on the identity of two Bactrian individuals.

  21. 21.

    Information for a history of events can be found in Bopearachchi (2006); Coloru (2009); Plischke (2014); Mairs (2014b); Stoneman (2019 (with reference to the respective sources).

  22. 22.

    For the richness of Bactria in ancient sources, see Curt. 7.26; Just. 41.1.8, 4.5; Strab. 11.11.1, 15.1.3. For Bronze Age evidence of irrigation canals on Ai Khanoum’s hinterland, see Gardin and Gentelle (1976, pp. 59–99).

  23. 23.

    Hdt. 3.91–93, but cf. Ruffing (2009). For a good discussion on Bactria’s importance in the Achaemenid imperial system, see Wu (2017); Henkelman (2018).

  24. 24.

    Curt. 7.4.30.

  25. 25.

    Sánchez (2014).

  26. 26.

    Iliakis (2013). For a reconstruction of Alexander’s arduous campaign in Bactria and India, see Holt (1989).

  27. 27.

    Strab. 11.9.2; Just. 41.4. See further discussion in Overtoom (2016, 2020, pp. 131–149).

  28. 28.

    Just. 41.4.5; Pol. 11.34.2–3; Strab. 11.9.2; see Chrubasik (2016, pp. 43–44) for useful discussion.

  29. 29.

    For a useful discussion on the coins of Diodotus I and the transition to Bactrian independence, see Coloru (2009, pp. 168–172); Lerner (1999, pp. 13–31, 89–108); Plischke (2014, pp. 230–236); Bordeaux (2018, pp. 25–28, 97–104).

  30. 30.

    Plischke (2014, pp. 276–297).

  31. 31.

    For the conditions upon which local power-holders became ‘independent’, and to what extent they were granted (rather than usurped) power by Seleucid authority, see Chrubasik (2016, pp. 34–45).

  32. 32.

    Pol. 11.34.8–10. Brüggemann (2017) argues that the agreement should be seen in the wider context of a new policy of Macedonian kings (both Antiochus and Euthydemus) to create a fruitful modus vivendi with local populations, different than from the policy of the Achaemenids before them; cf. Engels (2011). For the tribal peoples in Hyrcania, Parthia, and Bactria, according to Brüggemann, this new policy ultimately proved to be unsuccessful.

  33. 33.

    Compare Chrubasik (2016, pp. 34–45) with Brüggemann (2017).

  34. 34.

    Demetrius is particularly praised as “outstanding” and “famous for fine victories” in an inscription from the Kuliab district in Tajikistan, found in 2004 (Rougemont 2012: no. 151).

  35. 35.

    Coloru (2009, pp. 187–192).

  36. 36.

    Cf. Plut. Prae. ger. Reip. 821d–e.

  37. 37.

    Edition: Trenckner (1880); English translations: Rhys-Davids (1890); Horner (1963–1964).

  38. 38.

    Coloru (2009, pp. 241–244).

  39. 39.

    Tocharoi/Tochari: Strab. 11.8.2; Just. 42.2.2; cf. Plin. nat. 6.55; Ptol. 6.16.4; for the Yuezhi, see Benjamin (2007) (with reference to the respective sources).

  40. 40.

    Coloru (2009, p. 237).

  41. 41.

    Cribb (2005).

  42. 42.

    Coloru (2009, pp. 247–248).

  43. 43.

    Münkler (2005, p. 22). He insists that an empire “must have passed through at least one cycle of ascent and decline and must have begun a new one. The criterion of the existence of an empire is thus bound to the ability to pursue institutional reforms and to regenerate”.

  44. 44.

    Doyle (1986, pp. 93–97).

  45. 45.

    Mairs (2014b, pp. 146–176).

  46. 46.

    On short-termed empires see now Rollinger, Degen and Gehler (2019).

  47. 47.

    Gehler and Rollinger (2014) offer a good introduction to the discourse on empires and a useful list of criteria and set of questions to be used to compare and distinguish empires. See also Gehler and Rollinger in this volume. Cf. also Allsen (2011).

  48. 48.

    Naveh and Shaked (2012). The Aramaic documents surfaced from antiquities markets have been acquired and collected by the Khalili Collections and Khalili Family. Although their exact provenance therefore remains unknown, the contents of the documents indicate that they relate to the Bactrian satrapy and likely derive from a satrapal archive at Bactra, the capital city. See Naveh and Shaked (2012, pp. 15–18).

  49. 49.

    Mairs (2014c); Mairs (2016b, pp. 2043–2061).

  50. 50.

    Martinez-Sève (2015). For good concise overviews of Ai Khanoum, see Bernard (2001); Bernard (2009); Francfort et al. (2014); Martinez-Sève (2014).

  51. 51.

    See also Mairs (2016b, pp. 2038–2046).

  52. 52.

    Rapin (1983); Rapin (1987); Rapin (1992a); Rougemont (2012, nos. 99–130); See further discussion in Morris (2020).

  53. 53.

    Rougemont (2012, nos. 99–120).

  54. 54.

    Such as Zenon, Philiskos, Straton, Oxeboakes, Oxybazes, Tarzos, and Aryandes (Rougemont 2012, nos. 101–106). The same names recur in the economic texts, which may suggest that the treasury was managed by a small team. See Mairs (2016b, pp. 2052–2053).

  55. 55.

    Rapin (1992a, pp. 143–152, 167–179).

  56. 56.

    Canali De Rossi (2004: no. 322).

  57. 57.

    Cf. Boiy (2005); Langin-Hooper and Pearce (2014).

  58. 58.

    For the Coins of Ancestry of Agathocles, see Coloru (2009, pp. 199–203.

  59. 59.

    Muccioli (2013: s.v).

  60. 60.

    See generally for the Graeco-Bactrian coinage the commentated bibliography by Glenn (2016) and the recent studies by Bordeaux (2018, focusing on Diodotus I and II, Euthydemus I, Menander I, Eucratides I, and Hippostratus) amd Glenn (2020, focusing on Euthydemus I, Demetrius I, Euthydemus II, Pantaleon, and Agathocles). For Agathocles, see Audouin and Bernard 1973. On the coin reverses of Agathocles and other Indo-Greek rulers, we find Indian gods and wild animals, such as lions and panthers. An inscription found at Besnagar (Central India) in the Prakrit language—written in the Brahmi script and commonly dated to the late second century BC—further underlines that people with a Greek name (whatever their identity) dedicated to Indian gods. The inscription is written by Heliodorus, son of Dion—a Greek name and patronymic—who dedicates the inscribed Garuda pillar to Vasudeva, the Indian god of gods (Salomon 1998, p. 265 f.). The text mentions his office as Greek ambassador of the Indo-Greek king Antialcidas who was residing in Taxila. For further discussion on the person of Heliodorus, see Mairs (2014b, pp. 119–133).

  61. 61.

    Mairs (2015, p. 644 f.). On the ruler cult in Bactria, see Martinez-Sève (2010b, pp. 13–18).

  62. 62.

    Cf. Rollinger (2019).

  63. 63.

    Dumke (2014); Bordeaux (2018); Glenn (2020).

  64. 64.

    E.g. Bernard (1985); Bernard (2012); Martinez-Sève (2015).

  65. 65.

    See also Mairs (2010, pp. 3–6); Mairs (2013c, p. 91); Hoo (2018a, b, pp. 176).

  66. 66.

    The following argument is more elaborately discussed in Hoo (2015); Hoo (2018a).

  67. 67.

    Hoo (2018a); Canepa (2020); Martinez-Sève (2020).

  68. 68.

    For the Oxus temple, see Litvinskiy and Pichikyan (2002); Lindström (2013); Lindström (2016); for a concise discussion of the temple with indented niches, see Mairs (2013c); Martinez-Sève (2010a). For a comparative discussion of these temples, see Francfort (2012); Martinez-Sève (2018).

  69. 69.

    The identity of the venerated deity at Takht-i Sangin was discovered by a votive altar, topped by a bronze statue of a naked satyr, with the inscribed Greek text: “Atrosokes dedicates this ex-voto to Oxus” (Rougemont 2012: no. 95).

  70. 70.

    E.g. Zeus-Ahura Mazda (Bernard 2009, p. 51), Zeus-Mithra (Grenet 1991; Rapin 1992b, p. 120; Bernard 2012, p. 49), or Zeus-Oxus (Martinez-Sève 2010a, p. 13; Martinez-Sève 2014, p. 248). Cf. Francfort (2012) and Martinez-Sève (2016, p. 99) who both argue for an entirely local god.

  71. 71.

    Mairs (2015); Martinez-Sève (2018).

  72. 72.

    Cf. the contribution of Khodadad Rezakhani in this volume.

  73. 73.

    Gorshenina and Rapin (2001); Gorshenina and Rapin (2011); see also Hoo (2018b): chapters 1 and 3.1 (with older literature).

  74. 74.

    A much-coveted area, Central Asia stood centre stage in the geopolitical power play between the British and the Russian Empires in what would be known as The Great Game. In Afghanistan, the Emir (and later King) granted France (rather than England or Russia) archaeological monopoly, based on their archaeological service to Iran and its heritage—which similarly took place in the diplomatic and expansionist context of increasing French influence in the region. See Olivier-Utard (1997, pp. 17–33); Gorshenina and Rapin (2001); Gorshenina (2013); Fenet (2015); Fenet (2021).

  75. 75.

    The modern framing of Indo-Greek and Graeco-Bactrian history before the discovery of Ai Khanoum is exemplified by the now classic controversy between the British scholar William W. Tarn and the Indian scholar Awadh K. Narain. Tarn (1938) regarded the Greek kingdoms of Bactria and India as an integral part of the expanding civilized Greek world, and their kings as Greek immigrants who had arrived in the East in the time of Alexander or the Seleucids; Narain (1957) identified the bearers of the Bactrian rebellion as Greek settlers of a much earlier date who had assimilated into locals and had gained the support of the people.

  76. 76.

    Fragner (2018). Politico-military analogies of the failure of major powers (both ancient and contemporary) in Afghanistan continue to shape bodies of research and popular literature. See Mairs (2018); and elaborate historiographic discussion in Gorshenina and Rapin (2011); Gorshenina (2014).

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  1. Seminar für Alte Geschichte, University of Freiburg, Freiburg, Germany

    Milinda Hoo

  2. Institut für Klassische Altertumskunde, Universität Kiel, Kiel, Germany

    Josef Wiesehöfer

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    Robert Rollinger

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Hoo, M., Wiesehöfer, J. (2022). An Empire of Graeco-Bactrians and Indo-Greeks?. In: Gehler, M., Rollinger, R. (eds) Empires to be remembered. Universal- und kulturhistorische Studien. Studies in Universal and Cultural History. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-34003-2_11

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