Abstract
The arrival of Francis I’s Royal Readers on the cultural scene of Paris in 1530 was perhaps less a triumphal entry than, as Marc Fumaroli has described it, a Trojan horse on the slopes of Sainte-Geneviève.1 The upshot was in marked contrast to the earlier foundation of Greek studies at Oxford and Cambridge in 1516–19, when the appointments of Richard Foxe and Richard Croke as university readers in Greek seem to have carried none of the threat the Sorbonne perceived from the Royal Readers.2 But then, the political climates in which these events unfolded differed sharply. By 1531 in England, the break with Rome meant that doctrinal and legal disputes would now rest with Henry VIII as the ‘Supreme Governor’; in France, the pressures towards a similar rupture had been largely checked by the Concordat of Bologna (1516), while the Faculty of Theology of Paris continued to exert its monolithic sway over questions of Church doctrine. The Sorbonne, whose blessing Henry VIII would seek without success in his matrimonial wars, was the same body, led by Noël Béda, that would challenge the royally sanctioned authority of the lecteurs royaux.
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Notes
In other words, in the very midst of the écoles. Marc Fumaroli, ‘Préface’, in James K. Farge, Le Parti conservateur au XVIe siècle: Université et Parlement de Paris à l’époque de la Renaissance et de la Réforme (Paris, 1992), pp. 9–24 (p. 13). Translations and paraphrases of French and Latin texts are by the present author except where noted.
The text of the Sorbonne’s censure is contained in Abel Lefranc, Histoire du Collège de France depuis ses origines jusqu’à la fin du premier empire (Paris, 1893), pp. 122–3.
See also John Lewis’ excellent summary of the Royal Readers in Adrien Turnèbe (1512–1565): A Humanist Observed (Geneva, 1998), pp. 46–7,
and James K. Farge, Orthodoxy and Reform in Early Reformation France: The Faculty of Theology of Paris, 1500–1543 (Leiden, 1985), p. 197.
See Suetonius, De vita Caesarum, edited by Maximilian Ihm (Leipzig, 1907), I, 44: 2 (‘bibliothecas Graecas Latinasque quas maxime posset publicare data Marco Varroni cura comparandarum ac digerendarum’); VIII, 17–18 (‘ingenia et artes vel maxime fovit. Primus e fisco Latinis Graecisque rhetoribus annua centena constituit’).
Glyn P. Norton, ‘Fidus Interpres: A Philological Contribution to the Philosophy of Translation in Renaissance France’, in Neo-Latin and the Vernacular in Renaissance France, edited by Grahame Castor and Terence Cave (Oxford, 1984), pp. 227–51.
See also Rita Copeland, Rhetoric, Hermeneutics, and Translation in the Middle Ages: Academic Traditions and Vernacular Texts (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 166–78.
Lawrence Venuti, The Translator’s Invisibility: A History of Translation, 2nd edition (London, 2008), p. 14.
On temporalité, see Antoine Berman, L’Épreuve de l’étranger: culture et traduction dans l’Allemagne romantique (Paris, 1984); ‘Traduction et ethnocentrique et traduction hypertextuelle’, L’Ecrit du temps, 7 (1984), 109–23; ‘La Traduction et ses Discours’, Meta, 34 (1989), 672–9. On Pierre Bourdieu’s key concept of habitus see, among other works, Le Sens pratique (Paris, 1980); Esquisse d’une théorie de la pratique (Geneva, 1972); La Distinction: critique sociale du jugement (Paris, 1979).
R. C. Christie, Etienne Dolet: The Martyr of the Renaissance (London, 1899), p. 149.
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Norton, G.P. (2015). Francis I’s Royal Readers. In: Demetriou, T., Tomlinson, R. (eds) The Culture of Translation in Early Modern England and France, 1500–1660. Early Modern Literature in History. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137401496_3
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