Abstract
The global economic crisis and anger over government measures— ranging from meek attempts at reintroducing financial regulation to harsh austerity programs—have produced a Hurry of fresh political activism. Ihe publicity garnered by the Occupy Wall Street protests in the United States emboldened organizers to confront longstanding political issues with a renewed sense of the power of mass protest. Occupy Wall Street emerged mere months after the Arab Spring. Although the protests in the Middle East were directed at one-party states that had ruled for decades, the closely timed occurrence of the occupation of Tahrir Square and Zuccotti Park led some to speculate that a new era of global protest is on the rise, seeing solidarity where important distinctions might otherwise have been drawn.1 One such difference is that Occupy found its inchoate impetus in a mainly anarchistic theoretical orientation.2 Neo-anarchists,3 such as the anthropologist David Graeber, played a direct role in planning the action that was originally called for by the anticorporate magazine Adbusters.4 Once activists settled in Zuccotti Park, they embraced “horizontalist” decision-making strategies, like the kind the anthropologist cum journalist Marina Sitrin has chronicled in Argentine workers’ cooperatives. Though it remains difficult to see how Occupy affected political or economic policy in a meaningful way, the spirit and mythos surrounding the episode has had a lasting impact on how activists think about what constitutes effective political engagement.
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Notes
For a discussion of the role of anarchist political ideas in Occupy Wall Street. see Mark Bray, ‘Translating Anarchy: The Anarchism of Occupy Wall Street (Winchester. UK: Zero Books, 2013).
Barbara Epstein. “Occupy Oakland: The Question of Violence” Socialist Register 2013: The Question of Strategy, ed. Leo Panitch, Greg Albo, and Vivc-k Chibber (Pontypool: ‘Ihe Merlin Press, 2012).
Peter Marshall, Demanding the Impossible: A Histor/ of Anarchism (Oakland: PM Press, 2010), 53.
For a discussion of the overlapping interests as well as the rifts between these groups in the revolutions of 1848, see Jonadian Sperber, The European Revolutions, 1848–1851, Second Edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
Geoff Eley notes, “By the 1890s, anarchists had no base comparable to that of the socialist parties now emerging into mass activity.” Forging Democracy: The History of the Left in Europe, 1850–2000 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 97.
Rudolf Rocker, Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice (Edinburgh: AK Press, 2004).
Daniel Guérin. Anarchism, trans. Mary Klopper (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1970), 13.
David Graeber, “The Twilight of Vanguardism” in Possibilities: Essays on Hierarchy, Rebellion, and Desire (Oakland: AK Press, 2007), 303.
G. W. F. Hegel, Phenomenology of Spirit, Irans. A. V. Miller (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), 226.
John Holloway. Change the World without Taking Power: The Meaning of Revolution Today (London: Pluto Press, 2010), 3.
Mark Grief, “Drumming in Circles” in Occupy! Scenes from. Occupied America, eds. Astra Taylor, Keith Gessen, and editors from n+1, Dissent, Triple Canopy, and The New Inquiry (London: Verso, 2011), 57.
Marina Sitrin and Dario Azzeiini, They Can’t Represent Us! Reinventing Democracy from. Greece to Occupy (London: Verso, 2014), 51.
Marina Sitrin, Horizontalism: Voices of Popular Power in Argentina, ed. Marina Sitrin (Edinburgh: AK Press, 2006), 38.
Direct action as a form of protest has a history that precedes its current usage in neo-anarchist circles. See, Barbara Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution: Nonviolent Direct Action in the 1970s and, 1980s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).
David Graeber, Direct Action: An Ethnography (Edinburgh: AK Press. 2009), 203.
James C. Scott, Two Cheers for Anarchism: Six Easy Pieces on Autonomy, Dignity, and Meaningful Work and Play (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 2012), 7–8.
Jean-Jacqucs Rousseau, Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality among Men or Second Discourse in The Discourses and Other Early Political Writings, trans. and ed. Victor Gourevkch (Cambridge: Cambridge university Press, 1997), 198.
David Graeber, Fragments of an Anarchist Anthropology (Chicago: Prickly Paradigm Press, 2004), 12.
James C. Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), 328.
Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellecmalism in American Life (New York: Vintage Books, 1963), 45–46.
Norberto Bobbio, Left and Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction. trans. Allan Cameron (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1996). 8.
1 must emphasize that 1 do not mean to suggest that the new anarchists arc-nascent fascists, but believe, nonetheless, that the rhetoric of transcending sectarianism has discomfiting implications. One should also note, for example, Sternhell’s account of French fascists hostility to liberalism, socialism. and parliamentary democracy as well as its anti-intellectual rcndcncics and emphasis on emotion. See, Zeev Sternhell. Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France, trans. David Maisel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 36.
Gabriella Coleman, Hacker Hoaxer, Whistleblower, Spy: The Many Faces of Anonymous (London: Verso, 2014). 399.
Daniel Bensaid “Permanent Scandal” in Democracy in What State? trans. William McQuaig (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), 42.
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© 2015 Gregory Smulewicz-Zucker and Michael J. Thompson
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Smulewicz-Zucker, G. (2015). Illusory Alternatives: Neo-Anarchism’s Disengaged and Reactionary Leftism. In: Smulewicz-Zucker, G., Thompson, M.J. (eds) Radical Intellectuals and the Subversion of Progressive Politics. Political Philosophy and Public Purpose. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137381606_6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137381606_6
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