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Part of the book series: Political Philosophy and Public Purpose ((POPHPUPU))

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Abstract

Radical politics in contemporary Western democracies finds itself in a state of crisis. When viewed from the vantage point of social change, a progressive transformation of the social order, political radicalism is found wanting. This would seem to go against the grain of perceived wisdom. As an academic enterprise, radical theory has blossomed. Figures such as Slavoj Žižek openly discuss Marxism in popular documentaries, new journals have emerged touting a radical “anti-capitalism,” and whole conferences and subfields are dominated by questions posed by obscure theoretical texts. Despite this, there is a profound lack in substantive, meaningful political, social, and cultural criticism of the kind that once made progressive and rational left political discourse relevant to the machinations of real politics and the broader culture. Today, leftist political theory in the academy has fallen under the spell of ideas so far removed from actual political issues that the question can be posed whether the traditions of left critique that gave intellectual support to the greax movements of modernity—from the workers’ movement to the civil rights movement—possess a critical mass to sustain future struggles. Quite to the contrary, social movements have lost political momentum; they are generally focused on questions of culture and shallow discussions of class and obsessed with issues of identity— racial, sexual, and so on—rather than on the great “social question” of unequal economic power, which once served as the driving impulse for political, social, and cultural transformation.

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Notes

  1. For a discussion of this kind of renewed and expanded conception of the labor movement, see Stanley Aronowitz. The Death and Life of American Labor: Toward a New Workers’ Movement (London: Verso, 2014). 135ff.

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  2. See Theodore J. Lowi, The End of Liberalism: Ideology, Policy and the Crisis of Public Authority (New York: W. W. Norton, 1969).

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  3. For a discussion of the relation between the new, late capitalist form of economics and culture and consciousness, see Frederic Jameson, Postmodernism: Or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1992)

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  4. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), 284ff.

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  5. Ernest Mandel, Late Capitalism (London: New Left Books, 1975), 500ff.

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  6. Simon Critchley. Infinitely Demanding: Ethics of Commitment, Politics of Resistance (London: Verso, 2007), 91.

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  7. Stanley Aronowitz, “Postmodernism and Politics,” in Andrew Ross (ed.) Universal Abandon? The Politics of Postmodernism (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), 51.

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  8. Robert Meister, Political Identity: Thinking through Marx (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991). 21.

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  9. Lauren Langman has shown that this can be seen as a “carnivalization” of politics where meaningful political action is displaced by escapism. See his “Alienation, Entrapment and inauthenticity: Carnival to the Rescue,” in Jerome Braun and Lauren Langman (eds.) Alienation and the Carnivalization of Society (New York: Roudedge, 2012): 53–75.

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  10. For an excellent discussion of this problem, see Joseph M. Schwartz. “A Peculiar Blind Spot: Why Did Radical Political Iheory ignore the Rampant Rise in Inequality Over the Past Ihirty Years?” New Political Science. 35(3) (2013): 389–402.

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  11. For an important critique or this tendency to collapse politics into culture, and its roots in the politics of the 1960s, see Stephen Eric Bronner, Moments of Decision: Political History and the Crises of Radicalism (New York: Routledge, 1992), 101ff.

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  12. Jeffrey C. Coldfarb, The Cynical Society: The Culture of Politics and the Politics of Culture in American Life (Chicago: The university of Chicago Press, 1991), 82ff.

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  13. Daniel T. Rodgers has recently assessed this movement of ideas as one where “notions of power moved out of structures and into culture. Identities became intersectional and elective. Concepts of society fragmented. Time became penetrable. Even the slogans of the culture war’s conservatives were caught up in the swirl of choke.” Age of Fracture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), 12

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  14. See the important discussion by Joseph M. Schwartz, The Future of Democratic Equality: Rebuilding Social Solidarity in. a Fragmented America (New York: Routledge, 2009), 47ff.

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  15. David Harvey, Seventeen Contradictions and the End of Capitalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 206.

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  16. Miguel Abensour, Democracy against she State: Marx and the Machiavellian Moment (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2011). 2.

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  17. This view of violence has an old pedigree. It appears in the writings of revolutionaries ranging from Robespierre to Trotsky. Contemporary defenders of “left-wing” violence, such as, Žižek, Badiou, and Susan Buck-Morss often turn to Walter Benjamins essay “Critique of Violence,” in his Reflections: Essays, Aphorisms, Autobiographical Writings (New York: Shocken Books, 1986), 277–300.

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  18. Note, for example, the two volumes seeking to revive the idea of Communism, Costas Douzinas and Slavoj Žižek (eds.) The Idea of Communism (London: Verso, 2010)

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  19. Slavoj Žižek and Alain Badiou (eds.) The Idea of Communism 2: The New York Conference (London: Verso, 2013)

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  20. Badiou s recourse to mathematics has been the subject of an Insightful attack: “Alain Badiou calls himself a Platonist and proclaims the revolutionary political power of his philosophy of numbers. But insofar as his mathematical ontology disguises the contingent in robes of necessity, it can only diminish our freedom. We can embrace the politics if we so wish. But we should not confuse this choice with mathematics, nor can we call it philosophy.” Ricardo L. Nirenberg and David Nlrenberg, “Badiou’s Number: A Critique of Mathematics as Ontology.” Critical Inquiry, 37 (2011): 583–614

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  21. This is the title of a work by the influential historian Joan Wallach Scott. See: Joan Wallach Scott, Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights of Man (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996).

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  22. Joyce Appleby, Lynn Hunt, and Margaret Jacob. Telling the Truth about History (New York: W. W. Norton and Company. 1994), 227.

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  23. Slavoj Žižek, The Sublime Object of Ideology (London: Verso Books, 1989), 48.

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  24. Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979), xv–xvi.

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Authors

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Gregory Smulewicz-Zucker Michael J. Thompson

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© 2015 Gregory Smulewicz-Zucker and Michael J. Thompson

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Smulewicz-Zucker, G., Thompson, M.J. (2015). Introduction. In: Smulewicz-Zucker, G., Thompson, M.J. (eds) Radical Intellectuals and the Subversion of Progressive Politics. Political Philosophy and Public Purpose. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137381606_1

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