Abstract
It has been recently suggested that ‘the political influence of religion is one of the great lacunae in the field of modern history’.2 Although historians agree that rarely, if ever, was Britain more religious than in the nineteenth century, we still know too little about how this powerful and pervasive religiosity influenced politics and, notably, foreign policy.3 The main purpose of this work is thus to contribute to our understanding of how religion and politics in Britain became remarkably fused together when the political focus shifted to Italy. Indeed, the study of how religion influenced the conduct of British foreign relations towards Italy is the underlying theme that makes the chapters of this book part of a coherent discourse. During and around the years of the Roman Question, British politics were dominated by discussions of religious issues and by conflicting ideas of how best to deal with Rome. Gladstone’s view, that Catholic allegiance to the Crown was a pretence because the Pope’s followers were moral and mental slaves to Rome, exemplified the general mood of Britain’s Protestant culture that feared, yet again, a Papal resurgence. This outlook ‘became embedded in the very foundation of Protestant national identity and would for generations stand as a barrier against the acceptance of Catholics as equal citizens within a constitutional system’.4 As a result, throughout the nineteenth century anti-Catholicism was significantly widespread and entrenched in the British national mind, to such an extent that ‘it had become a political doctrine in its own right’.5
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Similar content being viewed by others
Notes
Gertrude Himmelfarb, cit. in I. Whelan, The Bible War in Ireland. Dublin, 2005, p. 273.
K.T. Hoppen, The mid-Victorian generation. Oxford, 1998, p. 427;and Hilton, A mad, bad and dangerous people?, p. 690. See also Riall, ‘Anticattolicesimo e rinascita cattolica’, p. 43.
W.L. Arnstein, ‘The Religious Issue in Mid-Victorian Politics: A Note on a Neglected Source’, Albion, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Summer, 1974), pp. 134–143.
See J. Coakley, ‘The religious roots of Irish nationalism’, Social Compass, 58:1 (2011), pp. 95–114.
See also M. Kelly, ‘Languages of radicalism, race, and religion in Irish nationalism: The French affinity, 1848–1871’, Journal of British Studies, 49:4 (2010), pp. 801–825.
E.F. Biagini, British democracy and Irish nationalism, 1876–1906. Cambridge, 2007.
See Riall, ‘Martyr-cults in nineteenth-century Italy’, pp. 255–287;C.E. Harrison, ‘Zouave stories: gender, Catholic spirituality, and French responses to the Roman Question’, Journal of Modern History, LXXIX (2007), pp. 274–305; and Riall, ‘Anticattolicesimo e rinascita cattolica’, p. 40.
P.L. Berger (ed.), The desecularization of the world. Resurgent religion and world politics. Washington, DC, 1999, p. 2.
O. Tschannen, Les théorie de la sécularisation. Geneva, 1992.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Copyright information
© 2014 Danilo Raponi
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Raponi, D. (2014). Conclusion: ‘Great’ because Protestant, ‘Oriental’ because Catholic. In: Religion and Politics in the Risorgimento. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137342980_7
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137342980_7
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-46543-9
Online ISBN: 978-1-137-34298-0
eBook Packages: Palgrave History CollectionHistory (R0)