Abstract
This chapter charts the structural transformation of the Norwegian welfare state and attendant shifts in the modality of punishment over the course of the 20th century and beyond. Between 1900 and 2014, the Norwegian welfare state embodied three distinctive forms: first, a residualist, minimally decommodifying regime of Bismarckian welfare politics; second, a comprehensive, universalist regime of social democracy that was broadly redistributive and decommodifying along Fordist-Keynesian lines; third, a hybridized semi-neoliberal regime that maintained important elements of social democracy while implementing marketized logics of state governance, relying increasingly on private providers to deliver core state services and witnessing accelerating socioeconomic disparities.
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Notes
- 1.
For alternative mappings and periodizations of the history of imprisonment in the Scandinavian countries, see Nilsson’s (2013) account of Swedish incarceration in the mid-sections of the 20th century; Søbye’s (2010) micro-level account of the historical transformation of a prison in Oslo, Norway; Pratt and Eriksson’s (2013) comparative analysis of incarceration in three Nordic and three Anglophone societies; and Smith’s (2003) study of the rise of the modern prison in Denmark over one century.
- 2.
The incarceration rate for Norwegian citizens remained relatively stable over the period; the growth in criminal confinement should be viewed in conjunction with targeted police action aimed at arriving citizens from postcolonial developing countries in and around the Middle East following American military incursions in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as the eastwards expansion of the European Union that attracted tens of thousands of migrants through the increased mobility offered by a widened Schengen Area.
- 3.
The police trained its gaze on “foreign” criminals in this period. “Norwegians constitute the majority of registered criminal offenders responsible for less serious drug crimes, while foreign citizens are responsible for most serious drug offenses,” observed a Norwegian police report in 2014 (National Crime Investigation Service 2014, p. 9); the report enumerates a panoply of “criminal networks” presumed to be stratified along ethnonational or ethnoracial lines and organized by social agents hailing from the Baltic states, Poland, the Balkans, Vietnam, Morocco, Somalia, Kurdish regions, and West-African nations. The report notes, “Statistics show a tenfold increase in the number of drug cases where west-Africans were suspected, accused, and convicted [of drug crimes] between 2000 and 2009.” And yet it remains unclear whether this “explosion”—the term used by the police, enclosed in quotation marks, to characterize the outsized prevalence of “West-African” offenders in the commission of drug offenses—is a function of disproportionate commission of crime by definite social groups or rather an ethnoracially targeted police surveillance aimed at uncovering drug offenses by those already presumed to be primarily responsible for the importation of cocaine and heroin into Norwegian society.
- 4.
A growing number of political agents in the Norwegian penal field believe that rehabilitative functions should be reserved for a privileged core of national insiders by reducing correctional standards for non-national offenders. In 2010, the Conservative Party expressed a desire to establish a “differential treatment” of foreign inmates by “moving foreigners out of ordinary Norwegian prisons and into separate, more basic prison wings.” The party’s spokesperson on criminal justice issues believed it would be desirable to construct “separate wings for foreign criminals with somewhat lowered standards in regards to amenities and rehabilitative services” (Conservative Party 2010). Similarly, the Progress Party’s manifesto notes, “The proportion of foreign convicts is approaching 40 percent [of the inmate population], and high standards in Norwegian prisons are not having a deterrent effect on these criminals. We must establish separate prisons for foreign criminals” (Progress Party 2011).
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Shammas, V.L. (2017). Prisons of Labor: Social Democracy and the Triple Transformation of the Politics of Punishment in Norway, 1900–2014. In: Scharff Smith, P., Ugelvik, T. (eds) Scandinavian Penal History, Culture and Prison Practice. Palgrave Studies in Prisons and Penology. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58529-5_3
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