Keywords

1 Introduction

Agricultural production is increasingly becoming vulnerable to climate change. Studies have predicted that the average global temperature may increase by 1.4–5.8 °C by the end of the twenty-first century, leading to substantial declines in freshwater resources and agricultural yields of major crops such as maize, rice and wheat (FAO 2011; IPCC 2014a). At the same time, a growing consensus is forming that global population will grow rapidly, possibly reaching nearly ten billion people by 2050 (FAO 2009). Thus, providing adequate and nutritious food for this expanding population will pose a further significant challenge to the global agriculture system (IPCC 2014b).

Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is one of the world’s regions with the lowest food security (FAO 2015) (Chap. 1 Vol. 1). Estimates from the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) suggest that one in four people in SSA lacks adequate food to sustain an active and healthy life (Bremner 2012; FAO 2015) (Chap. 1 Vol. 2). While this is an improvement on the 1990 levels (one in three), the total undernourished population has increased from 182 to 287 million, largely due to the rapid population growth (FAO 2015) (Chap. 1 Vol. 1). SSA continues to lag behind the rest of the world in terms of reducing chronic hunger (see Chap. 1 Vol. 1), while combating hunger and achieving food security remain a complex sustainability challenge, particularly in light of climate change (Hall et al. 2017) (see Chap. 2 Vol. 2).

The impacts of climate change are likely to be very severe in SSA because of the high dependence on agriculture for livelihoods and subsistence (Chap. 1 Vol. 1) and the limited adaptive capacity (Collier et al. 2008) (see Chap. 2 Vol. 2). Furthermore, the high population growth is likely to exacerbate food insecurity in rural areas of SSA, whose populations mainly depend on agriculture and have limited capacity for alternative livelihoods (Rosenzweig and Hillel 2008). Already, there is an observed decline in crop yields in arid and semi-arid areas of SSA, which has caused food shortages and large food inflation due to the relatively large economic dependence on natural resource sectors such as forestry, agriculture, water and fisheries (Poya et al. 2002; Prasad et al. 2014). Projections show that by 2055, the yield of cereals in SSA could decrease by 10–20% relative to yields in the 1990s if appropriate adaptation mechanisms are not developed and implemented (Mutegi et al. 2018).

Traditionally, extreme climate events such as droughts and floods were relatively predictable, but in the last three decades, the variability and unpredictability of the patterns of rainfall, temperature, flooding and droughts have increased (Mutegi et al. 2018) (Chap. 6 Vol. 1; Chap. 2 Vol. 2). For instance, in Kenya, prior to the 1990s, droughts and famines occurred in a cyclic pattern once every 10 years, i.e. on the fourth year of every decade (i.e. 1964, 1974, 1984). However, in the last two decades, droughts and floods have become rather irregular and more frequent, disrupting the traditional systems of disaster prediction and preparedness (Mutegi et al. 2018). Such climatic extremes and unpredictable events have caused declines in agricultural productivity and created uncertainties for stakeholders involved in agricultural value chains, particularly farmers, policy-makers, extension workers and donors (Mutegi et al. 2018).

The nexus of agricultural production, livelihoods, food security and climate change is a key sustainability challenge in many SSA countries including Kenya. Actually it spans many Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), such as SDG1 (No Poverty), SDG2 (Zero Hunger) and SDG13 (Climate Action), among others. For example, climate change affects agricultural systems in multiple ways and has a direct impact on food security and agricultural productivity (IPCC 2014b). Climate change is also likely to affect agrobiodiversity through drying up of streams/rivers, loss of crop storage quality, loss of pastureland and land degradation, among other mechanisms (Enete 2009; IPBES 2018). Agricultural systems, on the other hand, contribute to climate change both through anthropogenic greenhouse gases (GHG) emissions and the conversion of non-agricultural land uses, including forests (Chap. 3 Vol. 1; Chap. 5 Vol. 2). In fact, agriculture is directly responsible for as much as 14% of total GHG emissions, with agriculture-driven deforestation accounting for an additional 18% of emissions (IPCC 2014a).

Thus, agricultural production systems in SSA have to be designed and maintained to provide effectively sufficient and nutritious food for a growing population in an environmentally, socially and economically sustainable manner (Roué et al. 2016). Indigenous and Local Knowledge (ILK) practices and innovations can potentially offer solutions to some of these challenges posed by climate change to the agricultural sector, while it can be directly applied for weather forecasting, vulnerability assessment and climate change adaptation (Chaps. 6, 10 Vol. 1). Many different ILK practices and innovationsFootnote 1 are relevant at the interface of climate change and food security in SSA, such as the good knowledge and ability to grow and use different types of food in times of crisis (e.g. Chap. 6 Vol. 2). For example, the IPBES Africa Assessment Report recognizes and respects the significant contribution of ILK for the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity and its growing role at the interface of climatic change and food security in SSA (IPBES 2018).

Considering the above, the aim of this chapter is to identify and document ILK-based practices and innovations that enhance or maintain agricultural productivity in the face of climate change in rural Kenya. In the context of this chapter, ILK-based practices and innovations refer to the knowledge, technologies and practices of indigenous and local people, which often emanate from their customary laws, cultural values and spiritual beliefs. We focus on ILK-based practices and innovations used by the Mijikenda community in rural Kenya to enhance livelihoods and their food security, as well as agrobiodiversity conservation.

Section 3.2 provides a brief description of the study site, target communities and the data collection methods. Section 3.3 outlines the main livelihood/food security patterns, adaptation strategies for food security, agrobiodiversity conservation strategies and ILK-based practices and innovations. Section 3.4 discusses the main findings and highlights some relevant policy implications and recommendations.

2 Methodology

2.1 Study Site

The study was undertaken at the coast region of Kenya. The coast region stretches approximately 150 km inland, covering an area of about 67,500 km2, and approximately accounts for 11.5% of the total area of Kenya (Republic of Kenya 2009; Wekesa et al. 2016). The region is endowed with vast natural resources that include coral reefs, mangroves, lowland and Kaya forests, Afromontane forests and historical sites, which collectively provide the foundation for the regional economy. Approximately 8.4% of the total land area of the coast region is under forest cover (KEFRI 2016). However, despite being rich in natural resources, the coast region is still characterized by high levels of poverty, with up to 70–80% of residents living below the poverty line (Republic of Kenya 2013a, b; Wekesa et al. 2015; Wekesa and Ndalilo 2018). The heavy dependence on natural resources, coupled with the high poverty rates, puts a significant pressure on natural resources, while the region is low lying and thus quite vulnerable to the impacts of climate change (Wekesa et al. 2016).

The Mijikenda ethnic groups mainly inhabit the coast region of Kenya, which is comprised of six counties, namely, Mombasa, Kilifi, Kwale, Taita Taveta, Lamu and Tana River. The study was undertaken in Kilifi and Kwale Counties (Fig. 3.1). The average annual rainfall in Kilifi County ranges from 300 mm in the hinterland to 1300 mm at the coastal belt, while the annual temperature ranges between 21 and 30 °C in the coastal belt and between 30 and 34 °C in the hinterland (Republic of Kenya 2013a). Kwale County has an average annual rainfall of about 400–1200 mm and an average temperature of 24.2 °C (Republic of Kenya 2013b).

Fig. 3.1
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Location of study sites

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In particular the study targeted 31 villages in the communities of Giriama, Chonyi, Rabai (Kilifi County) and Digo and Duruma (Kwale County). These communities are spread along the Kenyan Coast in different agro-ecosystems, characterized by wet, semi-arid, and dryland conditions. The Giriama, Rabai and Digo communities are located in wetter areas near the coastline, while the Chonyi and Duruma communities are located inland in the semi-arid and dryland areas, respectively. These communities are also characterized by rich traditional knowledge and agrobiodiversity (indigenous vegetables and Kaya forests). Table 3.1 provides some of the key characteristics of the study communities.

Table 3.1 Characteristics of study communities
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2.2 Data Collection and Analysis

The survey used a combination of literature review, household surveys, focus group discussions (FGDs) and key informant interviews to elicit the local livelihoods, as well as prevailing patterns of climate variability, food security and ILK practices (including agrobiodiversity conservation). Purposive sampling was used to select 5 households with rich knowledge of traditional practices and agrobiodiversity conservation in each of the 31 villages in the five target communities (N = 155; Table 3.2). Furthermore, five FGDs were conducted (one in each community), and 50 key informant interviews were conducted across the five communities (Table 3.2). The study was conducted from January 2013 to February 2014.

Table 3.2 Data collection methods and sample sizes
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The study defined a village as the area under the smallest possible administration system, where village elders form the first decision-making body. Seven villages were selected in each target community with the exception of Digo and Duruma communities (6 and 4 villages, respectively). The criteria used for selecting the villages were (a) diverse socio-economic activities; (b) adherence to traditional culture; (c) development level and proximity to urban areas (i.e. villages with varying development levels were selected for comparison purposes); (d) geographical characteristics and unique landscapes; (e) linguistic/dialect differences; and (f) geographical positioning and distribution in the overall area. Villages with a rich tradition and history of employing diverse and established traditional practices in agriculture were prioritized for selection. Household selection was performed through purposive sampling targeting 5 households that had a rich knowledge of traditional practices and agrobiodiversity conservation in each of the 31 villages.

The household survey covered broad themes such as (a) past and current sources of income, (b) climatic patterns and their effect on crop production, (c) farming practices, (d) agrobiodiversity conservation, (e) social networks, and (f) biocultural innovations. FGDs were used both to validate the information collected through household surveys and gather new information especially on biocultural practices and innovations. A checklist was used to guide the discussions on the following broad thematic areas: community livelihoods, agrobiodiversity, social networks and biocultural practices and innovations.

The criteria for selecting FGDs participants were (a) gender composition (at least a third of the participants were women); (b) people with special knowledge related to agrobiodiversity such as herbalists; (c) traditional and spiritual leaders; (d) rainmakers and local farmers growing traditional crop varieties; (e) community members with special societal functions such as members of Kaya council of elders; and (f) representatives of various community groups such as farmers’ groups and village banking groups. We purposively selected key informants from community members with exceptional knowledge of traditional practices and systems such as Kaya elders, herbalists, farmers and community leaders.

3 Results

3.1 Livelihood Activities and Food Security

The household survey revealed that crop production was the most important livelihood activity across the five communities, with 51% of households identifying it as their main livelihood activity. Duruma community was the exception as livestock rearing was the main livelihood activity (the other communities also undertake livestock rearing but on a smaller scale). Other livelihood activities included small business ownership (31%) and labour in urban areas (18%).

The contribution of crop production to household food security was highest in Giriama (33%) and lowest in Duruma community (7%). Key informant interviews attributed these patterns in Giriama to the availability of large tracks of arable land and several ILK-based practices and innovations that reduce the vulnerability of crop production in the face of climatic change. On the contrary, the Duruma area is semi-arid and hence has low agricultural productivity, leading to community dependence on livestock.

Most of the surveyed households (96%) in the five communities reported a general decline in crop yield (by 31.2%) and reduced resistance to pests and diseases (by 16.1%) of the staple food crops such as maize, cassava, cowpeas and green grams between 2003 and 2013. This was possibly due to declining and erratic rainfall patterns and the high incidence of pests and diseases, which have significantly affected food crop production, and hence food security. Livestock production declined by 21% since 2003, with the number of livestock reducing mainly due to the high incidence of pests and diseases and the frequent and prolonged droughts that have hampered the availability of pasture.

3.2 Adaptation Strategies for Food Security

The different communities have developed various adaptation strategies that are largely shaped by the specific agro-ecological, geographical and climatic characteristics of the respective areas (Table 3.3). For example, households in the Duruma community (which occupies a semi-arid area with perennial water problems (Sect. 3.2.1) have developed an innovative method of excavating water pans within homesteads to provide drinking water for livestock and reduce the spread of livestock diseases from communal watering points. In addition, many households in the Duruma community undertake early planting before the onset of rainfall in order to efficiently utilize the little rainfall that is available for crop production in this semi-arid environment (Table 3.3).

Table 3.3 Main adaptation strategies for food security in the study communities
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Many households in the Rabai community rely heavily on spiritual prayers and sacrifices in order to avert climate-related extreme events. They also preserve seeds of local cultivars in home-based seed banks for use during the subsequent planting seasons (Table 3.3). Key informants attributed these practices to the strong cultural values and traditional resource governance system (Kaya council of elders) implemented in the community.

As Chonyi is located in a semi-arid area, all members of the community cultivate extensively drought-tolerant crops such as cassava (Table 3.3). Furthermore, 92.6% of the surveyed households plant early-maturing crop varieties in order to overcome possible challenges associated with reduced and unreliable rainfall. Similar to other communities, some households also engage in seed preservation and early planting (Table 3.3).

In the Digo community, which is located in a hilly moist forest ecosystem, conservation tillage and afforestation are the main adaptation strategies, which are undertaken by 66.7% and 21.1%, respectively, of the surveyed households (Table 3.3). Conservation tillage is mainly performed during drought periods, as a strategy to utilize the available water sustainably. Afforestation entails the integration of nitrogen-fixing agroforestry and fodder tree species and is widely applied for increased crop and animal yields respectively.

In the Giriama community located in semi-arid and arid areas, the local community mainly relies on planting high-quality local cultivar seeds (usually preserved by the community) to ensure high crop productivity (Table 3.3). The Giriama community is considered to be very innovative in this regard and has developed bio-pesticides comprising of traditional herbal plants such as Encephalartos hildebrandtii, Dialium orientale, Landolphia kirkii, Brachystegia spiciformis, Dalbergia melanoxylon, Afzelia quanzensis, Brachylaena huillensis, Vepris glomerata and Manilkara sansibarensis. These bio-pesticides are used to control pests and diseases and ensure high crop productivity.

3.3 Strategies for Agrobiodiversity Conservation

The findings suggest that the five communities grow more local cultivars than hybrids for the two staple crops: maize and cassava. However the cultivation of local cultivars has been decreasing over time as the cultivation of hybrid varieties becomes more prevalent (Fig. 3.2). On average, the number of households growing local cultivars for staple food crops has decreased significantly, from 100% in 1982 to about 61.7% in 2012.

Fig. 3.2
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Cultivation patterns of local cultivars and hybrids

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There was very little loss of crop varieties between 1982 and 1992 due to the strong cultural attachment to traditional varieties and traditional governance structures in the past. Furthermore, the number of introduced and hybrid crop varieties at that time was also very low. However, over the next 15 years, there was a massive decline in the variety of local cultivars, which peaked in 2004. Key informants attributed this to the erosion of local culture, as literacy rates increased, traditional governance systems weakened, and the adoption of improved and hybrid crop varieties increased due to intensive extension efforts that promoted their adoption at the time and free issuance of hybrid seeds by government.

Respondents from the Digo community reported the highest number of introduced new crop varieties in the last 30 years (18 varieties). To a large extent, this introduction was driven by (a) increased tourism in the area, which offers a ready market for the crops and cash to buy hybrid seeds, (b) migrant farmers from other regions and (c) favourable weather conditions in the area, which influenced the introduction of fast-growing and high-yielding crop varieties. Other communities also reported the introduction of new crop varieties but albeit at a lower extent: Chonyi (14 varieties), Giriama (11 varieties), Rabai (9 varieties) and Duruma (2 varieties).

FGD attributed the introduction patterns in Chonyi, Giriama and Rabai to their proximity to major markets in Kilifi (Chonyi and Giriama) and Mombasa (Rabai), where there is a high demand for food crops since they are major trading towns in the Coast region. Households in these communities tended to adopt crop varieties that grow and mature faster, in order to meet the ever-increasing market demand from the urban areas. The Duruma community recorded the lowest number of introduced crop varieties, as households only adopted crop varieties that could tolerate the prolonged dry spells in the area, as it is relatively dryer compared to the other sites.

On the contrary, the period between 2008 and 2012 was characterized by increases in the number of local crop cultivars grown (Fig. 3.2). This was due to increasing incidences of pests and diseases, frequent droughts and the high agricultural input requirements for the adopted hybrids and introduced varieties (e.g. fertilizer, pesticide). Farmers resumed growing more traditional varieties due to their resistance to pests and diseases and drought tolerance. These trends indicate that despite the previous decline in the production of local cultivars, the local farmers have re-introduced them due to their drought tolerance. The re-introduction of local cultivar crop varieties has also resulted to the wider re-adoption of traditional farming practices aiming to enhance farm productivity and conserve agrobiodiversity. Some of the traditional farming practices include the diversification of planted crop varieties and the self-saving of local cultivar seeds in home-based seed banks for use in the next planting season.

The analysis of the different seed-saving strategies indicates that the saving of reliable and high-quality seeds can contribute to the conservation of agrobiodiversity through the continued availability of quality germplasm for the propagation of plant genetic resources. Seed-saving is undertaken for many different food crops and often plays an important role in enhancing local food security. In particular, the household surveys established that 71% of the surveyed households across the five communities select and save high-quality planting material from the previous harvests for planting during the subsequent seasons. Seed varieties of local cultivars are mainly sourced from self-saved seed reserves, with Chonyi and Rabai having the highest number of farmers saving seeds for the next planting season at 89.9% and 78.6%, respectively. However, there was little exchange of seeds, both between farmers within the same community and between farmers from different communities (0.1% and 1.0%, respectively). The high level of seed self-saving in Chonyi and Rabai points to the fact that many farmers are growing local cultivars, as the hybrid and introduced varieties cannot be self-saved. FGDs attributed the low level of seed exchange between farmers and communities to the eroding social cohesion due to the declining interaction within and between communities, which hinders their ability to freely exchange ideas and vital commodities such as seeds and foodstuff.

We analysed gender roles in the selection of seeds and found that women undertake most of the seed selection for local cultivars across the five communities (70.6%), with men playing a minor role (29.4%) (Table 3.4). However, gender roles in seed selection vary among the five communities, with men playing a major role in some communities such as Digo and Chonyi (Table 3.4).

Table 3.4 Gender roles in seed selection
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Most of the desirable characteristics of saved seeds of staple food crops (i.e. maize, cassava, pulses) in the study communities are found in local cultivars (Table 3.5). Seed size is the only major desirable characteristic associated with introduced and hybrid crop varieties (Table 3.5). When selecting seeds of local cultivars, women tend to consider superior characteristics such as their ability to tolerate drought, pests and diseases, as well as taste and ease of seed storage (Table 3.5). According to key informants, and particularly the Kaya elders, this is an indication that women are the custodians of traditional farming practices in the study communities.

Table 3.5 Desirable characteristics of staple food crop varieties
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3.4 ILK-Based Practices and Innovations

Conservation tillageFootnote 2 is the most widely adopted ILK-based practice among households in all study communities (29.0% of households) (Fig. 3.3). This was followed by seed exchange among farmers (17.1%), re-introduction of traditional crops (14.3%), use of modified tools (14.2%), use of bio-pesticide (13.9%), crop domestication (10.5%) and crop diversification (1.0%) (Fig. 3.3). There are numerous locally driven technological, social and institutional practices and innovations for food security in the study communities (Table 3.6). The diversification of crop varieties to reduce the risk of crop failure (43%) and the domestication of wild plants for income, medicine and food security (35%) are the most widely adopted practice in the five communities. The main social practices and innovations include the formation of communal farming and marketing groups including barter trade groups (30%) and the revival of customary laws and practices to preserve traditional values and crop diversity (25%) (Table 3.6). The latter includes local rules that regulate the utilization of wild food and medicinal plants and rules that encourage the cultivation of local cultivars for key crops such as maize, cowpeas, millet and sorghum for use in traditional ceremonies.

Fig. 3.3
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Adoption of ILK-based practices and innovations

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Table 3.6 ILK-based practices and innovations in the study communities
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Poverty coupled with the increasing cost of living is the main economic factor driving the increasing adoption of ILK-based practices and innovations. Village banking is the most widely embraced livelihood-related innovation for diversifying household income sources and acting as a livelihood buffer during emergencies (61% of the surveyed households). Farmers from different communities also jointly form marketing groups (10%) in order to exchange commodities and ideas, access regional markets and negotiate competition for sale of their agricultural products. In addition, 5% of the surveyed households undertake value addition activities for traditional food crops and products (e.g. cassava, sweet potatoes, fruits, handcrafts). The domestication of wild medicinal and food plants is also being practiced by 14% of households, mainly for the conservation of important plant species (e.g. Tamarindus indica, Adansonia digitata, Ziziphus mauritiana, Acacia mellifera, Salvadora persica), for food security and for generating additional income from the sale of food and herbal products.

4 Discussion

4.1 Livelihoods and Food Security

Food crop production is the most important livelihood activity in most study communities, followed by small businesses and labour in urban areas (Sect. 3.3.1). The main exception is the Duruma community, where pastoralism is the dominant livelihood activity mainly due to the semi-arid characteristics of the Kinango Sub-county where the community is located (Sect. 3.2.1). These findings reflect other similar studies, which have established that in semi-arid areas in Kenya (e.g. Coastal and Eastern lowlands), food crops generally contribute less to total household income and food security (10–43%), when compared to areas of higher agricultural potential (Kibaara et al. 2009). However, such livelihood trends might compromise local food production (and possibly food security) in the long run, as more young people that would have otherwise provided farm labour are increasingly migrating to urban centres.

Between 2003 and 2012, there was also a reported decline in staple food crop yields and resistance to pests/diseases, impacting negatively on food security (Sect. 3.3.1). The increased prevalence of pests and diseases, coupled with prolonged droughts, also reportedly has had a negative effect on livestock production, further compromising food security (Sect. 3.3.1). This reflects other studies in rural Kenya, which have reported the declining production of livestock and food crops in semi-arid areas over the last decade due to climatic factors (KARI 2007; Awuor 2009; Onyutha 2018). This situation has possibly forced local communities to develop alternative livelihood support mechanisms. However, in semi-arid areas, rural communities tend to have a lower preparedness to climate change and an overdependence on natural resources (and particularly agriculture) (Waha et al. 2013; Van Ittersum et al. 2016), which constitutes the focal areas for improving food security and rural incomes (Kibaara et al. 2009; Ongugo et al. 2014; Rippke et al. 2016) (Sect. 3.4.2). This is in line with the growing literature, which indicates that climate change will significantly affect agricultural production and (consequently) food security for millions of people in SSA and other parts of the world (Brown and Funk 2008; Lobell et al. 2008; Challinor et al. 2014; Rippke et al. 2016) (see also Chap. 1 Vol. 1; Chap. 2 Vol. 2).

4.2 Adaptation Strategies for Food Security

The study communities have developed several local adaptation strategies to respond to the impacts of climate change on declining crop productivity and food security (Sect. 3.3.2). These adaptation strategies vary across communities, even if communities are located in areas with similar agro-ecological conditions. Some of the factors that seem to dictate the type of the adopted adaptation strategies include the socio-economic characteristics of the community and the strength of traditional governance institutions and cultural practices (Sect. 3.3.2). For instance, the Duruma community digs livestock watering pans to overcome perennial water shortage in their semi-arid environment, while the Rabai community relies heavily on prayers and sacrifices to avert natural disasters, reflecting their strong cultural belief system (Sect. 3.3.2). It has been argued that the strong cultural values and traditional resource governance system of the Rabai community connect its members to their spiritual world often using spiritual prayers and sacrifices to avert climate related disasters (Ongugo et al. 2014).

Overall, the most widely implemented adaptation strategies to enhance food security access in the five communities included the (a) utilization of traditional bio-pesticides to control crop and animal pests and diseases; (b) preservation of seeds in home-based seed banks; (c) cultivation of crops that mature early and tolerate drought; and (d) cultivation of large amounts of drought-tolerant crops (Sect. 3.3.2). Such adaptation approaches are quite common in many different agrarian contexts of SSA (Dinar et al. 2008; Vincent et al. 2013; Spindell-Berck et al. 2019) (see also Chap. 10 Vol. 1).

The cultivation of local crop varieties that are drought, pest and disease-resistant is one of the most widespread and effective adaptation strategies (Sect. 3.3.3), which has also been observed in other studies in coastal Kenya (Onyango 2016; Makoti and Waswa 2015). For example, 90% of the households in the coast region of Kenya tend to grow drought-tolerant crops (Makoti and Waswa 2015), with these indigenous crop varieties faring relatively better in low fertility soils with low rainfall and offering a diversified farming production model (Onyango 2016).

However, despite their local importance, the cultivation of local crop varieties has been decreasing over time, concomitant with the increase in the cultivation of hybrid varieties (Sect. 3.3.3). This was attributed to the aggressive promotion of hybrid crop varieties by agricultural extension agents and is likely to contribute to the long-term loss of genetic diversity as farmers increasingly adopt just a few fast-maturing and high-yielding hybrid varieties (see also Chap. 10 Vol. 1). However, due to their unique traits, local cultivars can act as safety nets during periods of food insufficiency, which makes their preservation particularly important (Sect. 3.3.3). The preservation of local cultivars in communal seed banks and the domestication of wild plants have immensely contributed to agrobiodiversity conservation. Women tend to play a more important role than men in the selection of the seeds of the local cultivars and can thus be considered as custodians of traditional farming practices (Sect. 3.3.3). This reflects well other studies, which have established how women contribute substantially to the conservation of agricultural biodiversity in Kenya (Morandi 2015).

4.3 Capitalizing and Maintaining ILK Practices and Innovations

The integration of ILK practices into climate change mitigation and adaptation strategies has been emphasized in the Kenyan National Climate Change Response Strategy, as a central element of the current efforts to enhance local adaptation, crop productivity and food security (Republic of Kenya, 2013c). More broadly, many large-scale scientific assessments have re-affirmed the importance of ILK practices for ensuring climate change adaptation and food security in agrarian contexts of SSA (IPBES 2018) (Chap. 1 Vol. 1; Chap. 9 Vol. 2).

Our study identified a wide range of traditional farming practices that are currently utilized in the study communities and rooted on ILK that has withstood the test of time (Sect. 3.3.4). Similar environmentally sound and low-cost ILK-based practices and innovations to those used by the Mijikenda community in coastal Kenya have been identified in many other studies (Ongugo et al. 2014; Wekesa et al. 2017). Indeed ILK practices such as integrated farming methods (e.g. mulching, mixed cropping, crop rotation), use of bio-cosmological indicators to identify planting seasons, selection of high-yielding and locally adapted crop varieties, soil fertility management, integrated pest management and crop preservation and storage are common in many rural areas in Kenya and other parts of SSA (Altieri and Nicholls 2013; Ponge 2013) (see Chap. 10 Vol. 1).

Several factors support ILK-based practices and innovations in the study communities including individual innovators, traditional institutions, social organizations and networks, as well as economic and cultural factors (Sect. 3.3.4). Many studies in Kenya have revealed that indeed community interactions through social networks, traditional ceremonies and traditional governance systems are important for preserving and promoting ILK-based practices and innovations (Ongugo et al. 2014; Wekesa et al. 2017).

For example, individual farmers often develop local innovations anchored on ILK and freely share them with other farmers through community-based groups and organizations such as women and farmer groups. Such groups contribute manifold to social cohesion and the exchange of information and planting materials, which further support ILK innovations.

At the same time, traditional institutions such as the Kaya council of elders play a key role in supporting and preserving ILK-based practices and innovations, in tandem with other relevant cultural practices. For example, the restricted access to Kaya forests has contributed to biodiversity conservation, as some biodiversity-rich areas are sacred and thus not exploited for timber and fuelwood (Chap. 7 Vol. 1). Furthermore, local cultivars are used in traditional rituals, while coping strategies, agricultural practices, seeds and weather predictions are openly shared among community members during traditional ceremonies. In particular, most of the traditional ceremonies related to prayers, sacrifice offerings, healing and initiation are strongly associated with natural resources. For example, traditional prayers and sacrifices aimed at appeasing the spiritual world require the use of grains of local cultivar varieties (e.g. mustard, millet, sorghum, maize) and indigenous animal breeds (e.g. cattle, sheep and chicken) and are conducted in the Kaya forests. Similarly, most traditional healing ceremonies entail the use of various plant parts, which are effectively conserved due to their strong cultural significance.

Similarly, the Mijikenda communities have established cultural villages as opportunities for showcasing their cultural ceremonies, rituals and practices related to agrobiodiversity conservation. The cultural villages essentially bring community members together to showcase their cultural heritage, both as a means of preserving it and generating alternative income through cultural tourism. For the former, the different traditional ceremonies and festivals provide a platform to share information among community members and are therefore important in supporting and maintaining ILK-based innovations and practices. For the latter, traditional artefacts (e.g. baskets, cooking ware) and domesticated wild plants can be sold to tourists directly (e.g. as fruits) or after value addition (e.g. as herbal medicine) to diversify income.

4.4 Policy Implications and Recommendations

The study highlighted the important role of ILK-based practices and innovations for enabling adaptation to climate change and ensuring food security. In this respect a major recommendation of this chapter is to develop and implement appropriate policies and strategies to safeguard ILK and associated local practices and innovations at the local and national levels.

At the community level, there is a need to strengthen traditional institutions, collective landscape management and related governance systems among the Mijikenda to halt both ILK erosion and biodiversity loss. This can be achieved by strengthening the conservation of the sacred Kaya forests as biocultural heritage territories through integrated landscape management approach. This can have important co-benefits between different Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) such as SDG2 (Zero Hunger), SDG13 (Climate Action) and SDG15 (Life on Land).

At the national level, the Science, Technology and Innovation Act 2013 provides for protection of all innovations. However, as the process of patenting traditional innovations is too complex, innovations anchored on modern science are still given preference. Thus the process of patenting should be made less complex to incorporate ILK-based innovations, as a possible means of unlocking a closer collaboration between ILK holders and research institutions, which is still lacking as in many SSA contexts (IPBES 2018) (see also Chap. 8 Vol. 1). Among multiple other SDGs, this can have ripple effects for SDG8 (Descent Work and Economic Growth) and SDG9 (Industry, Innovation and Infrastructure).

Finally, the conservation of local cultivars is still a major challenge due to capacity and resource constraints. Although farmers recognize the suitability and the benefits of local cultivars, the extension service providers are oriented towards conventional/modern hybrid crop varieties that are promoted at the expense of local cultivars (see also Chap. 10 Vol. 1). Thus, there is need to sensitize extension service providers to recognize the benefits of ILK practices with regard to the conservation and planting of local cultivars. Building appropriate portfolios of local and external cultivars could better ensure local food security in the face of climatic variability (Chaps. 6, 10 Vol. 1).

5 Conclusions

This chapter explored livelihood and food security patterns in five local communities in the coastal region of Kenya. Crop production was the main source of livelihood and income for most communities, but it declined between 2003 and 2012. Climate change most likely caused this low crop productivity through the combined effects of unpredictable rainfall, prolonged dry periods and increased incidences of weeds, pests and diseases. As a result, food security was compromised in many of the study communities during the past years.

To cope with the decreasing crop and livestock productivity, the five Mijikenda communities have developed a number of practices and innovations anchored on ILK, which vary between communities depending on their cultural values and socio-economic and ecological conditions. Most of the communities widely use these ILK-based practices and innovations to improve crop productivity and ensure food security in the face of climate change, including (a) crop diversification, (b) early planting and adoption of drought-tolerant and fast-growing local cultivars, (c) crop rotation, (d) conservation tillage, (e) domestication of food and medicinal plants from Kaya forests and (f) use of bio-pesticides.

The local communities use their cultural values, social networks, customary resource management practices and traditional governance systems to ensure the preservation of these ILK practices. Considering that the ILK-based innovations and practices discussed in this chapter can be an effective tool to achieve community resilience to climate change, urgent action is needed to integrate them meaningfully into relevant policies and climate change adaptation strategies at the local, national and international levels.