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Confucian Viewpoints on Destiny, Necessity, and Fate

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Abstract

In the Analects, “benevolence” 仁 (ren), “rituals” 禮 (li), and “destiny” 命 ( ming) are the three most important philosophical concepts holding their own places within the complete theoretical structure of Confucius’ thought. These concepts separately correspond to different categorical levels: mind and human nature for the first, social ethics for the second, and transcendence for the third. For many years now, theoretical explanations of “benevolence

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For example, we can look at four famous essays that are directed to the notion of destiny written during the periods of the Han and the Northern and Southern Dynasties: “Wang ming lun” 王命论 (“On the destiny of kings”) by Ban Biao 班彪, “Yun ming lun” 运命论 (“On fortune and destiny”) by Li Kang 李康, “Ding ming lun” 定命论 (“On doubtless destiny”) by Gu Jizhi 顾觊之 and Gu Yuan 顾愿, and “Bian ming lun” 辩命论 (“On the argument about destiny”) by Liu Jun 刘峻. While each of these essays equally assert that “both failure and success rest in destiny,” they greatly vary in terms of their acceptance of non-Confucian ideas and their understandings of Confucian thought itself.

  2. 2.

    The Confucian concept of “Heaven” has two meanings. First, it means the sky as opposed to the earth, in the natural sense. The Analects says, “Our Master cannot be matched, just as the sky cannot be reached by the steps of a stair” (LY 19.25), and the Mencius says, “In the sky clouds naturally appear and it naturally rains” (MZ 1A6). Besides its natural character, this “heaven” (also mentioned in the grouping of “Heaven, Earth, ghosts, and gods”) has been endowed by Confucianism with a moral character. Together with monarchs, parents, teachers, and friends, whose essence is social and ethical, heaven is fused into the ethical relationships that belong to “rituals.” Second, “Heaven” has a transcendental sense as in the “way of Heaven” or “destiny of Heaven.” The “way of Heaven” is somewhat different from the “destiny of Heaven,” and the Neo-Confucians made distinctions between them. For example, where the Analects says that “the Master spoke about human nature and the way of Heaven” (LY 5.13), Zhu Xi commented, “The way of Heaven is the reality of heavenly principles and nature” (Zhu 1983, “Gongye Chang”), and when Confucius said that he “knew the destiny of Heaven in his fifties” (LY 2.4), Zhu commented, “The destiny of Heaven is the representation of the way of Heaven in things, the cause that determines things to be what they should” (Zhu 1983, “Weizheng”). In addition to its metaphysical meanings, the “way of Heaven” also referred to the orbits of celestial bodies in its natural sense, and Confuciansat times used it like this. For example, in the Hou Han shu, Zheng Xuan said, “The way of Heaven is the fortune of movements of the qizheng”七政, referring to the seven celestial bodies consisting of the sun, the moon, Venus, Jupiter, Mercury, Mars, and Saturn. For Confucianism, “destiny”means the same thing the “destiny of Heaven” in a transcendental sense, and the Analects records that when Confucius visited his disciple Ran Geng who was dying of an illness, he said, “It is killing him. It is destiny, alas!” (LY). Zhu Xi commented, “Destiny refers to the destiny of Heaven” (Zhu 1983, “Yongye”).

  3. 3.

    Noting this, Zhu Xi wrote, “All this is done on its own without man’s doing, and is caused on its own without man’s causing. In general, it is known as Heaven from the perspective of principles, and known as destiny from the perspective of human beings. These two things are identical in essence” (Zhu 1983, “Wanzhang shang”).

  4. 4.

    Usually, Confucianism explains “ghosts and divinity” as the state and quality of qi,which keeps existing after the death of a person. For example, “Jiyi” in the Liji states, “All lives are mortal and are destined to return to the earth after death. Theseare known as ghosts. Bones and flesh decay underground and become soil. Their qi rises upwards and becomes light. Weeds look desolate and sorrowful because they are the spirits of things and representations of divinity.” The Neo-Confucian Zhang Zai wrote that “ghosts and divinity suggest the coming-and-going and the shrinking-and-extending of qi” (“Shenhua,” Zhang 2006).

  5. 5.

    The “Kanggao” chapter of the Shangshu states, “Heaven thus earnestly appointed King Wen to kill the barbarian Shang people,” and the “Junshi” chapter states, “I dare not slack in my appointment by Heaven, and I will keep in mind the prowess of Heaven forever.” This represents the early Zhou idea of Heaven and destiny,which is imbued with religious beliefs.

  6. 6.

    Hegel further explored this in writing, “Possibility and contingency are two links in reality” (1980, p. 300), and “Developed reality is just necessity” (1980, p. 305).

  7. 7.

    The words, “The noble person commented” 君子曰 (junzi yue) appear more than 40 times in the Zuo zhuan,with most instances being judgments about historical events from a Confucian perspective.

  8. 8.

    These values are stated in many early writings but nowhere more clearly than in the Liji 礼记 (Book of Rituals). It variously states, “A monarch dies for his state, a minister for his people, and a noble person for institutions” (“Quli xia”); “It is viewed as righteousness if a monarch dies for his country when the state is in danger” (“Liyun”); “Princes (lords and monarchs) value their states, therefore they love their people” (“Dazhuan”); and “If a monarch loves his people as a father does his son, the people will love him as sons do a father” (“Ziyi”). Confucianism in all ages takes protecting the country and supporting its subjects as a ruler’s primary ethical responsibility and moral duty.

  9. 9.

    According to the Analects, “The Master said to Yan Yuan, ‘When called to office, advance; when not so called, retire. It is only you and I who have this attainment!” (LY 7.11). Zhu Xi explained to his disciples:“The Sage did not care much about being called or not being called. When called, he undertookhis duties; when not called, he retired. It is just like one puts his shoes on when it is a fine day, and keeps his feet bare when it is raining.” (ZZYL, Vol. 34).

  10. 10.

    “Yiwenzhi” 艺文志 in Hanshu 汉书 states, “All numerology is related to the offices of mingtang 明堂 (an official in charge of sacrifice to ancestors), xihe 羲和 (an official who practices divination in connection with the sun) and shipu 史卜 (a historian serving as a prophet).” It classifies literature into 6 types: astrology, calendars, wuxing 五行 (five phases), qi 蓍(a kind of grass used to divine) and gui 龟 (bones of tortoises for divination), mischievous divination, and xing fa (forms and laws), and states that seven people who “almost acquired some superficial knowledge about it” were Zi Shen 梓慎, Bi Zao 裨灶, Bu Yan 卜偃 and Zi Wei 子韦 who lived during the Spring and Autumn Period; Gan Gong 甘公 and Shi Shenfu 石申夫 who lived during the Warring States Period; and Tang Du during Han Dynasty. According to the records of Han Dynasty, ancient numerology in China (which, it should be admitted, became more prevalent after the Qin and Han dynasties) organized a variety of knowledge on topics such as astronomy, geography, and history into a certain logical framework andclaimed to be able to predict the “predestined” fates, such as the failure or success and disasters or auspices in human life,as well as the prosperity or decline of society. Different numerological schools had different logical frameworks, knowledge, and experiences, and the logical order and rules for calculation in each logical frame can be called “numbers”数 (shu).

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Cui, D. (2017). Confucian Viewpoints on Destiny, Necessity, and Fate. In: Yao, X. (eds) Reconceptualizing Confucian Philosophy in the 21st Century. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-4000-9_12

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