Abstract
The purpose of this chapter is to assess the trends of presidentialisation in Kosovo’s political parties in government or claiming to lead the government. In their genesis, Kosovo political parties surfaced from 1989 to 1999 as a form of social opposition against the oppressive regime. Their decision-making was rather decentralised and membership was quite broad. The second stage of political party development covers the period from 1999 to 2004. This is the post-war stage, when new political parties were established and political pluralism started to take shape. Most political parties established during this period emerged from the war, led by military commanders above reproach within the party and provided internal party cohesion. These parties were the catch-all model: they lacked a clear ideology, with centralised decision-making. In the third stage, since 2004, we see the establishment of new political parties, such as cadres and mass parties, which oppose the current model of governance. Cadre parties have failed to survive whereas mass parties prevailed but failed to meet intended targets. This chapter concentrates on the two main parties in Kosovo governing in the post-war period: the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) and the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK).
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Notes
- 1.
In January 2017, President had said that he had personally ordered that a train coming from Serbia, which was covered with provocative content for Kosovo Albanians, not be allowed to enter Kosovo. While this is a competence of the Government, respectively of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, it was done with the intervention of the president.
- 2.
The political subjects or interdependent candidates declared to represent the Serbian community shall have the number of seats won through open elections, with a minimum of ten guaranteed seats, in case the number of acquired seats is smaller. According to this same logic, ten other seats are guaranteed to other communities, including a place for the communities of Ashkali, Egyptian, and Roma, as well as an additional place for the community that wins the highest number of total votes. For the Bosnian community, three seats are guaranteed, two for the Turkish community, and one for the Gorani community (Krasniqi 2016).
- 3.
Within the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Kosovo was the Autonomous Province, which had no constitutional status at federal level. The constitutional law for Kosovo adopted in February 1969 started the path for Kosovo to have its own constitution. The 1974 Constitution elevated Kosovo to the element of the Yugoslav federation, thus creating not only a direct link with the Yugoslav community, but elevating Kosovo to a strong legal entity.
- 4.
They have been democratic in a sense of regularity, but during this period Kosovo society was organised under parallel system, having its own education system, health and other sectors disconnect from the official one directed by state.
- 5.
Out of 520 voting delegates, 502 voted in favour of Limaj, 15 against, and three ballots were declared invalid.
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Krasniqi, A. (2019). The Presidentialisation of Political Parties in Kosovo: Institutional Limits. In: Passarelli, G. (eds) The Presidentialisation of Political Parties in the Western Balkans. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-97352-4_9
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