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The Middle East in the World System Context in Comparison with India and China: Some Backgrounds of Islamism in the MENA Region

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Islamism, Arab Spring, and the Future of Democracy

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Abstract

This chapter is devoted to a systemic consideration of the preconditions for the emergence of modern Islamism in the Middle East. Since Islamism is spread almost in every country of the Middle East, it seems reasonable to formulate some ideas explaining its widespread influence in this part of the world through a comparative analysis of some developmental trends in this macroregion and in China and India. Such an analysis seems of vital importance since radical Islamism appears a powerful destabilizing force at the global and regional levels. We attend to the need to delineate between radical and moderate Islamisms, since in many Muslim societies the latter appears to be more a stabilizing force and not a destabilizing one. We maintain that the success of Islamism is strongly determined by the traditionally fragile statehood in the Middle East. At the same time, in certain respects, for example, in terms of language, ethnicity, and religion, the Middle East seems to be much more homogenous than, say, India which is one of the most multilingual states of the world. This homogeneity became the most important basis for internationalization of Islamism in the MENA region, which could then easily cross the state boundaries making them transparent.

The corresponding authors for this chapter are Leonid Grinin (leonid.grinin@gmail.com) and Andrey Korotayev (akorotayev@gmail.com).

This chapter is an output of a research project implemented as part of the Basic Research Program at the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE) in 2018 with support by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (Project No. 17-06-00476).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For details about different countries and regions of the Middle East, see Grinin et al. (2016b).

  2. 2.

    There live several hundred ethnic groups of different racial origin speaking languages belonging to several linguistic families (contemporary Indian statistics distinguish 1562 languages). Besides, the population numbering more than 1200 million people of different religions and divided into dozens thousand castes and sub-castes (Gorokhov 2011).

  3. 3.

    About the development of statehood in Egypt, see Korotayev and Khaltourina (2006); Grinin (2006, 2007, 2011c); Grinin and Korotayev (2009a, b).

  4. 4.

    There is not enough research yet on the relationship between the age of statehood and the state stability; however, a number of authors note the connection between the presence of deep traditions of stetehood and the stability of the state order (Huntington 1968; Smith 1986; Tilly 1992; Fukuyama 2006; Ikenberry 2006а, b; Collier 2009; see also Gellner 1983; Dobbins et al. 2007; Fritz and Menocal 2007 in connection with the problem of nationism and nation-building).

  5. 5.

    Still Turkey has problems with the Kurdish periphery striving for independence.

  6. 6.

    For example, in Qatar the ruling family Al Thani together with affined and allied tribes accounts for about 20,000 people, which make about 10% of the country’s indigenous citizens (Sapronova 2007: 152).

  7. 7.

    The given citation proves the above stated idea that the difficulties experienced by the Middle Eastern countries result from their weak statehood which is in many respects connected with peculiarities of Islam (see, e.g., Korotayev 1996, 2000, 2003a, b, 2004, 2005, 2006; Korotayev et al. 1999, 2003, 2007, 2013, 2014b, 2015b, c, 2016a); Grinin and Korotayev (2009b); Korotayev and Issaev (2014).

  8. 8.

    Thus, the transaction volume of the first oil concession in Saudi Arabia (1933) between the Falcon company and the Saudi king with the term of 60 years and covering the territory of 360 square miles amounted $625 thousand (55 thousand pounds), that is, about 25–30 million in current dollars. And that was a huge amount of money for the Saudi dynasty at that time (Yergin 1999: 227), not to speak for the Bedouin population.

  9. 9.

    About the shifts that have taken place with the expansion of non-OPEC oil production, see Grubb et al. (1996).

  10. 10.

    One should note that the events of the Arab Spring demonstrated that monarchic regimes seem to be more legitimated and hence stable than the quasi-democratic regimes with inconsistent authoritarian capacities; yet, the situation with oil prices can influence the stability of monarchies (Grinin and Korotayev 2011, 2012a; Grinin 2012f; Korotayev et al. 2012d).

  11. 11.

    Samuel Huntington analyzes quite well this complex relationship between urban middle-class and rural people in modernizing societies at different stages of modernization (Huntington 1968; Grinin 2017a, b).

  12. 12.

    This was particularly the case with the Ottoman Empire (but not always). The Ottoman Empire was the first state in the history where the Muslim “clergy” gained official status and created a hierarchical organization of professional “church” officials with a clear indication of functions and positions (e.g., Ivanov and Oreshkova 2000: 77). Unlike in the Arab Caliphate in Turkey (and in some provinces of this Empire, e.g., in Egypt), there also develops the “clergy” of the ulama’ whose most part is included in the state apparatus by some means (officially or de facto). This situation contributed to the implementation of secular reforms in Turkey in the twentieth century, although the influence of Islamic religion remains considerable in this country.

  13. 13.

    The striving to stand alongside with the West and at the same time to fight with it is perceived in Islamism as in no other ideology. But this duality became noticeable long ago. The French historians wrote about it 90 years ago, “…with every intellectual movement in the Muslim world one cannot ignore two factors leading to the same result: with unconscious imitation of Europe, on the one hand, and wishing to fight against Europe, on the other hand, they want to supply Islamism with arms and to provide with opportunity to fight on equal terms. Finally, Islamism strives to become liberal in order to protect itself from liberalism and transforms basing on the instinct of self-preservation. This explains why in this transformation of Muslim doctrines the main figures are the scholars of Muslim church who devote themselves to religion and have a great inclination to identify their nationality with it” (Cahen and Metin 1939: 12–13). This duality was especially evident in Iran.

  14. 14.

    According to investigations conducted by World Values Survey in 2005–2008, 44% of the Indians attend worship at least once a week. India’s religiosity level is significantly higher than in China, Europe, and even the USA, but it is lower than in Muslim countries of the Middle East (Korotayev and Khaltourina 2009; Korotayev et al. 2012b).

  15. 15.

    Let us remind that for the Middle East, the Arab–Israeli conflict remained the main problem which also used to be a part of the global clash between socialism and capitalism for a long time. But later (after the collapse of the USSR and the start of support of the Palestinians from the West), this aspect disappeared. Nevertheless, the Arab–Israeli conflict remained of great importance in the Middle East region till the Arab Spring which decreased its importance (see Grinin et al. 2016b: Conclusion).

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  1. National Research University Higher School of Economics and Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia

    Leonid Grinin & Andrey Korotayev

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  1. Leonid Grinin
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  2. Andrey Korotayev
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Correspondence to Leonid Grinin .

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Grinin, L., Korotayev, A. (2019). The Middle East in the World System Context in Comparison with India and China: Some Backgrounds of Islamism in the MENA Region . In: Islamism, Arab Spring, and the Future of Democracy. Perspectives on Development in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Region. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91077-2_2

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