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The Politics of Chagos: Part Played by Parliament and the Courts Towards Resolving the Chagos Tragedy

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Fifty Years of the British Indian Ocean Territory

Part of the book series: The World of Small States ((WSS,volume 4))

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Abstract

The British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT) was created for political reasons. Only a political solution based on compromise and negotiation can bring about a resolution of this maelstrom of issues which have dogged the UK for over 50 years. A combination of political and legal pressure is the only way to persuade HMG that an overall settlement is possible and in the national interest. Chagos history abounds with policy failures, myth and deception. Litigation and the courts help redress the political deficit. While proclaiming the sanctity of international law the Foreign and Commonwealth Office ignores, cherry picks and splits hairs where it conflicts with entrenched policies. The Chagos Islands (BIOT) All-Party Parliamentary Group has helped focus parliamentary, media and public attention on the issues, otherwise the preserve of the legal system and academia. William Hague said in 2010 β€œIt is not in our character as a nation to have a foreign policy without a conscience; neither is it in our interests.” Parliamentary, public and international pressure will continue until the Chagossians are allowed to return.

Chagos Islands (BIOT) All-Party Parliamentary Group

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Snoxell (2009).

  2. 2.

    Hewitt (1980).

  3. 3.

    Aust (1968).

  4. 4.

    Aust (1970).

  5. 5.

    Ottaway (1975).

  6. 6.

    Editorial (1975).

  7. 7.

    US House of Representatives, β€˜Diego Garcia 1975: the Debate over the Base and the Island’s former inhabitants’, Hearings before the Special Subcommittee on Investigations of the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, Ninety-fourth Congress, first session, June 5 and November 4, 1975.

  8. 8.

    [2000] EWHC 413 (Admin); [2001] WLR 1219.

  9. 9.

    ibid.

  10. 10.

    Lawyers for Bancoult had since 2005 requested access to correspondence and drafts of the 2002 feasibility study. The FCO claimed that these had all been destroyed. In May 2012 during the course of a judicial review into the creation of the MPA (see R (on the application of Bancoult) v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (No. 3) [2012] EWHC 2155 (Admin), R (on the application of Bancoult) v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (No. 3) [2012] EWHC 3281 (Admin), R (on the application of Bancoult) v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (No. 3) [2013] EWHC 1502 (Admin) and R (on the application of Bancoult) v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (No. 3) [2014] EWCA Civ 708; [2014] 1 WLR 2921) a thick file of relevant material was disclosed by the Treasury Solicitor with no explanation. This resulted in an application to the Supreme Court during which evidence of the flawed science was submitted. The hearing took place before the Supreme Court on 28–29 June 20–17.

  11. 11.

    R (on the application of Bancoult) v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (No. 2) [2008] UKHL 61; [2008] 3 WLR 955.

  12. 12.

    R (on the application of Bancoult) v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (No. 2) [2016] UKSC 35; [2016] 3 WLR 157.

  13. 13.

    HC Deb 15 June 2004, vol 422, col 32WS.

  14. 14.

    HC Deb 7 July 2004, vol 423, col 272WH.

  15. 15.

    ibid.

  16. 16.

    HC Deb 7 July 2004, vol 423, col 292WH.

  17. 17.

    ibid.

  18. 18.

    Bancoult (No. 2) (n 11) [22] (Lord Hoffmann).

  19. 19.

    ibid [55].

  20. 20.

    ibid [57].

  21. 21.

    Snoxell (2007).

  22. 22.

    See Chagos Islanders v the United Kingdom App no 35622/04 [2009] ECHR 410.

  23. 23.

    β€˜US embassy cables: Foreign Office does not regret evicting Chagos islanders’ The Guardian (London, 1 December 2010).

  24. 24.

    Chagos Conservation Trust, Chairman’s report 2008 (unpublished).

  25. 25.

    See for example the analysis in Dunne et al. (2014), p. 79.

  26. 26.

    See Norton-Taylor and Evans (2010) and Jones (2011).

  27. 27.

    R (on the application of Bancoult) v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (No. 3) 28–29 June 2017.

  28. 28.

    Chagos Islanders v the United Kingdom App no 35622/04 [2012] ECHR 2094.

  29. 29.

    HC Deb 16 November 2016, vol 617, col 11WS; HL Deb 17 November 2016, vol 776, col 1536.

  30. 30.

    Register of All-Party Parliamentary Groups as at October 2016 <https://www.parliament.uk/mps-lords-and-offices/standards-and-financial-interests/parliamentary-commissioner-for-standards/registers-of-interests/register-of-all-party-party-parliamentary-groups/> accessed 3 July 2017.

  31. 31.

    Wintour (2016).

  32. 32.

    Corbyn (2016).

  33. 33.

    R (on the application of Bancoult) v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (No. 2) [2016] UKSC 35.

  34. 34.

    CommuniquΓ© issued by the Prime Minister’s Office, Port Louis, 17 November 2016.

  35. 35.

    Bancoult (No. 1) (n 8).

  36. 36.

    Bancoult (No. 2) (n 11) [72] (Lord Bingham).

  37. 37.

    Treasury Solicitor’s Department, β€˜Guidance on Discharging the Duty of Candour and Disclosure in Judicial Review Proceedings’, January 2010: β€˜A public authority’s duty must not be to win the litigation at all costs but to assist the court in reaching the correct result and thereby to improve standards in public administration.’ β€˜It is a process which falls to be conducted with all the cards face upwards on the table and the vast majority of cards will start in the authority’s hands.’ β€˜As a civil servant you must act in accordance with the core values of the Civil Service: integrity, honesty, objectivity and impartiality.’ <http://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/20130704203515/http:/www.tsol.gov.uk/Publications/Guidance_on_Discharging_the_Duty_of_Candour.pdf> accessed 3 July 2017.

  38. 38.

    Chagos Marine Protected Area Arbitration (Mauritius v United Kingdom) (2015) Permanent Court of Arbitration <https://www.pcacases.com/web/view/11> accessed 3 July 2017.

  39. 39.

    Resolution A/RES71/292 adopted by the General Assembly on 22 June 2017 Request for an advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the legal consequences of the separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius in 1975. 71 st session, agenda item 87.

  40. 40.

    See M Rycroft’s speech Gov.UK <https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/questions-on-the-british-indian-ocean-territory> accessed 3 July 2017. I have described the speech as a patchwork of spin, omission, economy with the truth and a misrepresentation of the historical background to the excision of the Archipelago in 1965. I have responded to the speech in a point-to-point rebuttal in Weekly. See Snoxell (2017a, b, c).

  41. 41.

    Republic of Mauritius, Aide Memoire, Item 87 of the Agenda of the 71st Session of the UN General Assembly, May 2017.

  42. 42.

    Bowcott (2017).

  43. 43.

    R (on the application of Bancoult) v Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (No. 2) [2008] UKHL 61, [10].

  44. 44.

    Echandi (2013), p. 275.

  45. 45.

    Foreign Affairs Committee, Seventh Report, Overseas Territories, Response of the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Cm 7473, 2007-08) para 14.3 and Foreign Affairs Committee, Overseas Territories, Seventh Report (HC 2007-08 147-I), para 3.

  46. 46.

    Hague (2010).

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Appendices

Annex A: Statement byΒ the Chagos Islands (BIOT) APPG on 16 November 2016

The APPG was established in 2008 and has 51 members representing all ten political parties in Parliament. The Group held its 58th meeting on 16 November and considered the written ministerial statement issued 2Β h earlier, concerning the Government’s decision not to allow the Chagossians to resettle in their homeland. Three ministers of state from the FCO (Baroness Anelay), Defence (Earl Howe) and Department of International Development (Lord Bates) had several weeks earlier been invited for a discussion on the issues regarding resettlement. Members were shocked to discover that this discussion had been pre-empted by the written statement. The Government had been telling Parliament that a decision on resettlement would not be announced until the end of the year. The reason for announcing it on 16 November could only be to close off discussion of the issues. This looked like a fait accompli. Members also expressed indignation that the decision had been leaked to the Guardian the day before it was made available to Parliament.

Members expressed much disappointment at this decision. They felt it had ignored the arguments put by the Group and experts over the years concerning viability, sustainability, cost, funding, defence and security, international human rights obligations and the views of the Courts which since 2000 had deplored the treatment of the Chagossians. They did not accept the Government’s premise that feasibility, defence and security interests and cost were sufficient grounds for not agreeing to a pilot resettlement, recommended by the KPMG feasibility study. The written statement lacked any reasoned argument as to why resettlement could not be implemented.

Members appealed to ministers to think again on the basis of other studies, the KPMG report and further discussions with the Group. They were well aware that the US was not opposed to resettlement and that any security concerns were easily manageable. Given that, with the agreement of the US, the KPMG consultants had visited Diego Garcia and that this island was their preferred option it was not logical to deploy defence and security as a reason against resettlement.

The APPG felt that the costs and style of resettlement had been significantly exaggerated and that in any case the Overseas Territories were a first call on the Aid Programme. The British tax payer would not fund the entire cost as the ministerial statement had implied. The US, who do not pay rent for the base would no doubt contribute. The Group took the view that the continuing damage to the UK’s reputation for the promotion of human rights far outweighed the cost and difficulties of trying out a resettlement.

The Group questioned whether the Government had properly considered the Supreme Court conclusions that in the light of the KPMG study maintaining the ban on Chagossian return may no longer be lawful, and that if the Government failed to restore the right of abode it would be open to Chagossians to mount a new challenge by way of judicial review. They noted that the ministerial statement had not referred to the right of abode which should be restored whether or not resettlement was allowed. Some Chagossians would only wish to visit their homeland and should be able to do so whenever they wanted.

Members questioned if it was really in the tax payers’ interest to prolong litigation for several more years. 17 years of expensive litigation, amounting to several million pounds, not to mention the cost of Whitehall staff and resources, could have gone towards the cost of resettlement. They also thought that it was not in the national interest for the international and national campaigns in support of the Chagossians, to continue with increasing opprobrium and negative publicity for the UK. This undermined the UK’s human rights record and the British sense of fair play. Why should Chagossians, who are British, be treated any differently from other British nationals of Overseas Territories? Members noted that on 24 October, UN Day, Baroness Anelay had referred to the UK’s β€œunwavering commitment to human rights”.

The Group also felt that the Β£40 million of project money that was being offered to the Chagossians would be better spent on funding resettlement. This was nearly twice the capital cost of resettlement estimated in 2008 by Dr John Howell, former Director of the Overseas Development Institute. But it was for Chagossians to decide. The Group would wait to hear their reactions before supporting anything less than a pilot resettlement.

Annex B: Statement on 26 April 2017 byΒ the Chagos Islands (BIOT) APPG on Prospects for Resettlement and Ways of Strengthening the Bonds BetweenΒ the Chagossians and Their Homeland

The Chagos Islands (BIOT) All-Party Parliamentary Group was established in December 2008 to help bring about a resolution of the issues concerning the future of the Chagossian people and the Chagos Islands. On 26 April, at its 62nd and final meeting of this Parliament, the Group considered the prospects for the Chagossian people.

On 16 November 2016 the Government rejected resettlement and announced a 10 year Β£40 million package (to include visits to the Islands) for Chagossian communities where ever they are established. In Mauritius the offer is interpreted as an incentive to Chagossians to remain in exile. The Chagos Refugees Group has therefore said it will not participate in the organised visit being planned by the FCO for later this year because it will be funded from the package which it rejects. After 5 months little or no progress appears to have been made on agreeing and spending the package. In the face of the Government’s rejection of resettlement the APPG resolved to continue the struggle until a pilot resettlement is achieved and Chagossians can exercise their right to determine their own future. But it would continue to look for ways of finding a compromise acceptable to both the Chagossians and the Government.

One such compromise was the restoration of the right of abode. Foreign Secretary Robin Cook had restored the right of abode following the High Court judgment of November 2000, while excluding Diego Garcia. So between November 2000 and the Orders in Council of June 2004, which once again banned the Chagossians from entering BIOT, the right of abode was operative and could have been exercised had there been available transport to and facilities in the Outer Islands. As Lord Bingham (presiding Law Lord) put it in his 2008 judgment β€œIt cannot be doubted that the right (of abode) was of intangible value, and the smaller its practical value the less reason to take it away”. There is nothing to stop the FCO restoring the right of abode as distinct from the right of resettlement. It would demonstrate that the Government is serious about wanting to meet the aspirations of the Chagossian people and also its goodwill towards them and respect for fundamental human rights. It would cost the FCO nothing while redressing its damaged human rights record and reputation. The APPG urges the Government not to let the ongoing litigation be an excuse for not restoring the right of abode on moral, ethical and political grounds.

In December the APPG decided that until a future government was willing to support a pilot resettlement, as recommended by KPMG, the Group should identify incremental ways of strengthening the bonds between the Chagossians and their homeland. They considered the scope for compromise in the face of the Government’s rejection of resettlement. Employment on the base as contract workers, without their families, was not a substitute. Rather Chagossians could live and work in the islands in a variety of capacities such as MPA management, undertaking conservation, monitoring of marine and bird life and environmental changes, services to scientific expeditions, staffing a scientific station and leisure activities for base personnel. This could, for example, be running boat trips, snorkelling, diving, fishing, guided walks, sports, making handicrafts for sale. Also there was work concerning the history and heritage of the Islanders, such as establishing and staffing a heritage centre/museum, restoring ruins and clearing graveyards. In time this could develop into a local tourism industry for the 4000 staff on the base, some of whom might like to work with Chagossians in a voluntary capacity. Members felt that this would appeal at least to the 41 British personnel stationed there. The Group considered that it would make an ideal programme for the Β£40 million assistance package over the next decade and commended these suggestions to Chagossians, FCO, MOD and DFID.

The APPG will be re-established after the election and continue to promote its aim of enabling the Chagossians to return to their homeland. It expresses the hope that in their manifestos the political parties will support justice for the Chagossians and that the next Government will give priority to bringing an end to their 50 year exile.

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Snoxell, D. (2018). The Politics of Chagos: Part Played by Parliament and the Courts Towards Resolving the Chagos Tragedy. In: Allen, S., Monaghan, C. (eds) Fifty Years of the British Indian Ocean Territory. The World of Small States, vol 4. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78541-7_14

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