Abstract
In August 1561 Mary Queen of Scots sailed to Scotland to assume her personal reign after the death of her husband Francis II. This chapter argues that as she established her regal authority Mary placed heavy emphasis on ritual, spatiality and the daily ceremonial schedule as a central means of keeping these councillor-magnates content. Johnson highlights that Mary departed from usual royal practice when appointing her household, to allow special prominence for privy-councillor families and to facilitate access. Accordingly these rebels-turned-privy councillors were singled out to be granted the closest proximity to their monarch. By rearranging her principal Scottish seat, Holyrood Palace in Edinburgh, Mary engaged in an “architecture as politics” strategy through the ritual of monarchical counsel, creating power zones within the monarch’s bedchamber and fashioning a lavish stage for political theatre.
I am grateful to Dr. Julian Goodare for his comments on an earlier draft of this chapter.
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Notes
- 1.
Marie de Guise Lorraine, dowager queen consort and Mary’s mother.
- 2.
Scottish Historical Review (SHR), II (1905), 157–62.
- 3.
For Valois usage of space for diplomacy, see Monique Chatenet, “The king’s space: the etiquette of interview at the French court in the sixteenth century,” in The Politics of Space: European Courts: ca. 1500–1750, eds. Marcello Fantoni, George Gorse and Malcolm Smuts (Rome, 2009), 193–208, especially at 198. For Tudor use of space, see Tracey Sowerby, “Material culture and the politics of space in diplomacy at the Tudor court,” in Beyond Scylla and Charybdis: European Courts and Court Residences outside Habsburg and Valois/Bourbon Territories, 1500–1700, eds. Birgitta Johannsen and Konrad Ottenheim (Copenhagen, 2015), 47–55. For uses of space to project an image of power, see Jeroen Duindam, “Palace, city, dominions: the spatial dimension of Habsburg rule,” in Fantoni, Gorse and Smuts (eds.), The Politics of Space: European Courts ca. 1500–1750, (Rome, 2009), 59–90, especially at 64.
- 4.
For discussion of ritual and politics, see David I. Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, and Power (New Haven and London, 1984), 77–8, 84–7, 89–90, 101; Sean Wilentz, Rights of Power (Philadelphia, 1985). For discussion of ceremony and ritual at the Tudor court, see Sydney Anglo, Spectacle, Pageantry and Early Tudor Policy, (Oxford, 1969). For Valois ritual, see Monique Chatenet, “Henri III au Louvre. Distribution et mobilier du logis du roi en 1585,” Revue de l’art, 169 (2010), 1–7. For ceremonial and the ritual of diplomacy, see Birgitta Johannsen and Konrad Ottenheim, “Introduction,” in Beyond Scylla and Charybdis: European Courts and Court Residences outside Habsburg and Valois/Bourbon Territories, 1500–1700, eds. Birgitta Johannsen and Konrad Ottenheim (Copenhagen, 2015), 14–20.
- 5.
For Throckmorton’s despatches in this early period, see Calendar of State Papers Foreign, III, ed. Joseph Stevenson (London: H.M. Stationery Office, 1865), 566, 573–6. Further see CSP Foreign, III, 423, 472–3.
- 6.
Calendar of State Papers Scotland (CSP Scot), I, ed. J. Bain (Edinburgh: H. M. General Register House, 1898–1952), 518–19. Randolph would become England’s first resident ambassador to Scotland at the commencement of Mary’s personal reign.
- 7.
Stephen Alford, Early Elizabethan Polity: William Cecil and the British Succession Crisis, 1558–1569 (Cambridge, 1998), 97–8.
- 8.
Sir James Melville of Halhill, Memoirs of His Own Life (Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club, 1827), 88–9.
- 9.
For assessment of the quality of Mary’s political tutelage under the Guises, see also Mark Loughlin, “Career of Maitland of Lethington c.1526–1573” (PhD Diss., University of Edinburgh, 1991), 100, n. 214.
- 10.
John Guy, My Heart Is My Own: The Life of Mary Queen of Scots (London, 2004), 175.
- 11.
Antonia Fraser, Mary Queen of Scots (London, 1994), 129.
- 12.
SHR, II, 157–162. Among those coming to France was Argyll’s half-brother, who also carried a letter from Argyll to Mary, offering her his loyalty: Jane Dawson, The Politics of Religion in the Age of Mary, Queen of Scots: The Earl of Argyll and the Struggle for Britain and Ireland (Cambridge, 2002), 114, n.4
- 13.
For example, see CSP Scot, II, 57. Describing Mary’s chief advisers as “the triumvirate”, Jane Dawson also points out that, with his vast land-holdings and network of clan kinship, Argyll brought great territorial power to Mary’s group of special advisers; in contrast, neither of the queen’s other two choices had such territorial power and wealth: Dawson 2002, especially 114, 137.
- 14.
Register of the Privy Council of Scotland (RPC) First series 1545–1625, I, eds. John H. Burton and David Masson (Edinburgh: H. M. General Register House, 1877–1898), 157–158.
- 15.
Michael Lynch, “Introduction,” in Mary Stewart: Queen in Three Kingdoms, ed. Michael Lynch (Oxford 1988), 9–19; Michael Lynch, Scotland: A New History (London 1991), 210–18; Pamela Ritchie, Mary of Guise in Scotland, 1548–1560: A Political Study (East Linton: Tuckwell, 2002), 126. The Privy Council Register does not survive from the period of Guise’s regency.
- 16.
Jenny Wormald, Mary Queen of Scots: A Study in Failure (London, 1988), 114–20. Refer also to Loughlin, “Career of Maitland of Lethington,” 116.
- 17.
For discussion of Mary’s privy council choices, refer also to Loughlin, “Career of Maitland of Lethington,” 115.
- 18.
Roger Mason, “Beyond the Declaration of Arbroath: kingship, counsel and consent in late medieval and early modern Scotland,” in Kings, Lords and Men in Scotland and Britain, 1300–1625: Essays in Honour of Jenny Wormald, eds. Stephen Boardman and Julian Goodare, (Edinburgh, 2014), 265–82, especially 278; Julian Goodare, The Government of Scotland, 1560–1625 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 87–9.
- 19.
For example, Knox, History of the Reformation, II, 20.
- 20.
Efforts to establish a privy council began in March 1543. Also see Goodare, Government of Scotland, 128–48.
- 21.
Trevor Chalmers, “The King’s Council, Patronage and the Governance of Scotland, 1460–1513” (PhD Diss., University of Aberdeen, 1982), especially 87–103.
- 22.
William Hepburn, “The Household of James IV, 1488–1513” (PhD Diss., University of Glasgow, 2013), 88–94, especially 91.
- 23.
The second earl of Arran also held a French dukedom, that of Châtelherault.
- 24.
William Hepburn sets out the heritable positions for James IV’s reign, with many originating under earlier Stewart monarchs: Hepburn, “Household of James IV,” 91–2. Many of these heritable offices dated from the fifteenth century and even earlier, thus highlighting the governmental role of Scotland’s ancient nobility. The important role in government would diminish for some of these heritable offices during James VI’s personal reign: Julian Goodare, “Scottish politics in the reign of James VI,” in The Reign of James VI, eds. J. Goodare and M. Lynch (Edinburgh, 2008), 39.
- 25.
Knox’s assessment of Mary’s privy council appointments further highlights the ancient nobility’s importance: for example, Knox, History of the Reformation, II, 20.
- 26.
Loughlin, “Career of Maitland of Lethington,” 114–115.
- 27.
Monique Chatenet, La cour de France au XVIe siècle. Vie sociale et architecture (Paris, 2002), 115, 344 n. 49; Robert Knecht, French Renaissance Court (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2008), 64–7.
- 28.
For some of their various positions held, see Jean Solnon, La cour de France (Paris: Fayard, 1987), 28–32.
- 29.
Chatenet, La cour de France, 113–15. “Lever” was the term to denote the morning’s daily arising of the Valois monarch.
- 30.
Knecht, French Renaissance Court, 64–5.
- 31.
No extant sources indicate that Mary had any form of lever in Scotland.
- 32.
Lynch, “Introduction,” 9. Lynch notes, however, that Elizabeth I also frequently neglected sessions of her privy council.
- 33.
Wormald, Mary Queen of Scots, 120–121; Lynch, “Introduction,” 9.
- 34.
Lynch, “Introduction,” 9–10. The only exception was Margaret Fleming, granddaughter of James IV, who served as Dame d’Honneur (a title equating to the queen’s most senior lady-in-waiting) and was married to the fourth Earl of Atholl, one of Mary’s privy councillors. In January 1567, Maitland married Margaret’s younger sister Mary Fleming. These two ladies were sisters of the hereditary Lord Chamberlain, the fifth Lord Fleming: see Scots Peerage, VII, ed. J. Balfour Paul (Edinburgh, 1904–1914), 541. By contrast, Lord Fleming was not a member of Mary’s privy council (RPC, I, 157–58.) Had Mary’s personal reign continued longer, this separation between household and privy council might have lessened.
- 35.
For a detailed study of the households of Mary Tudor and Elizabeth I, see Charlotte Merton, “The Women Who Served Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth: Ladies, Gentlewomen and Maids of the Privy Chamber, 1553–1603” (Unpublished PhD Diss., University of Cambridge, 1991). For overlap in Mary Tudor’s household and council, refer also to Appendix B: Mary I’s Privy Councilors on November 17, 1558, in Alice Hunt and Anna Whitelock eds. Tudor Queenship: The Reigns of Mary and Elizabeth (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 253–4. For overlap in Elizabeth I’s household (“chamber”) and council, refer also to Natalie Mears, Queenship and Political Discourse in the Elizabethan Realms (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 66–72.
- 36.
Lynch, “Introduction”, 9–10.
- 37.
RPC, I, 511–12.
- 38.
Lynch, “Introduction”, 9.
- 39.
Stephen Alford, “William Cecil and the British Succession Crisis of the 1560s” (PhD Diss., University of St Andrews, 1997), 27.
- 40.
William Kirkcaldy of Grange was identified as a possible fourth counsellor for Mary in a letter of April 1561 written by Mary’s half-brother, Lord James (earl of Moray), following his meeting with her in France: SHR, II (1905), 157–62. In fact, Kirkcaldy held various offices under Mary and later served in her privy council. However, for various meetings with Maitland, Moray and Argyll in Mary’s bedchamber, Randolph’s despatches did not mention Kirkcaldy as also being present. For discussion of other possible counsellors, also see Melville, Memoirs, 88–9.
- 41.
For example, Knox, History of the Reformation, II, 43.
- 42.
Julian Goodare, “The first Parliament of Mary, Queen of Scots,” Sixteenth Century Journal, 36 (2005): 55–75, especially at 67–8.
- 43.
Loughlin, “Career of Maitland of Lethington,” 115.
- 44.
Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (APS), II, eds. T. Thomson and C. Innes (Edinburgh, 1814–1875), 511–14. For discussion of Mary’s dowry, see Mark Greengrass, “Mary, Dowager Queen of France,” in Mary Stewart: Queen in Three Kingdoms, ed. Michael Lynch (Oxford, 1988), 171–94, especially 172–4.
- 45.
CSP Foreign, III, 566, 573–7.
- 46.
These are set out in the November 1561 inventories: Joseph Robertson (ed.), Inuentaires de la Royne Descosse douairière de France. Catalogue of the Jewels, Dresses, Furniture, Books and Paintings by Mary Queen of Scots; 1556–1569 (Bannatyne Club, 1863), 29–48.
- 47.
Robertson, Inuentaires, 42–8.
- 48.
For example, Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland (TA), XI, ed. T. Dickson and J. Balfour Paul (Edinburgh: H. M. General Register House, 1977–1907), 203.
- 49.
For ease, the term “state apartments” is used here rather than the contemporary term “lodgings” (“logis”). Similarly, the term “bedchamber” is used here, rather than the contemporary term “chamber” (“chambre”) to denote the monarch’s ceremonial bedchamber.
- 50.
See also brief commentary on the planning of the chamber in John Dunbar, Scottish Royal Palaces: The Architecture of the Royal Residences during the Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Periods (East Linton, 1999), 131–38.
- 51.
This is further discussed in Alexandra Nancy Johnson, “Mary Stuart’s inner chamber, as an embodiment of power,” in The Interior as an Embodiment of Power. The Image of the Prince and its Spatial Setting, 1400–1700, eds. Krista de Jonge, Stephan Hoppe and Stefan Breitling (PALATIUM, forthcoming).
- 52.
Jean Guillaume, “Avant propos,” in Architecture et Vie Sociale. L’Organisation Intérieure des Grandes Demeures à La Fin du Moyen Age et à La Renaissance, ed. Jean Guillaume (Paris, 1994), 7–10.
- 53.
Sergio Bertelli assesses that “the ruler’s bedroom, the cubiculum, was the actual and figurative centre of the palace, where his authority was exercised through attendant officials, magistrates, courtiers, pages and soldiers; the degree of physical nearness to the Duke’s bedroom corresponded to their place in this court hierarchy”, Sergio Bertelli et al., Italian Renaissance Courts (London: Sidgwick & Jackson, 1986), 14.
- 54.
For example, Knecht, French Renaissance Court, 68.
- 55.
For example, CSP Scot, II, 32; Knox, History of the Reformation, II, 43.
- 56.
Simon Thurley, The Royal Palaces of Tudor England: Architecture and Court Life, 1460–1547 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993), 135–41.
- 57.
Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII (LP), III, ed. J.S. Brewer et al. (London, 1862–1932), no. 835. Also see discussion in Thurley, Royal Palaces, 140. In addition, Glenn Richardson highlights the benefits, addressing this privileged setting from the perspective of the individual invited by the Valois monarch: Glenn Richardson, “‘As presence did present them’: Personal gift-giving at the Field of Cloth of Gold”, in Henry VIII and the Court: Art, Politics and Performance, eds. T. Betteridge and S. Lipscomb (Farnham: Routledge, 2013), 47–64.
- 58.
Thurley, Royal Palaces, 137–8.
- 59.
The privy chamber and its suite of rooms (the “outward chambers”) were situated between the public suite and the private bedchamber suite (or “secret chambers”). For discussion of the privy chamber, see further Thurley, Royal Palaces, 135–43.
- 60.
Thurley, Royal Palaces, 138–9.
- 61.
Elizabeth I occasionally used her bedchamber to see diplomats, as during the 1564 visit by Sir James Melville, Mary’s special envoy. Though granted access to the innermost area of the palace, this lengthy interview was conducted in strictest formality. In his Memoirs, Melville noted that Elizabeth did offer him a cushion upon which to kneel, for his interview lasting several hours: Melville, Memoirs, 124–5. Further see Sowerby, “Material Culture”, 49–51.
- 62.
John Murphy, “The illusion of decline: the Privy Chamber, 1547–1558,” in The English Court: From the Wars of the Roses to the Civil War, ed. David Starkey (London, 1987), 140. For usage at Whitehall during the reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, see Simon Thurley, Whitehall Palace: An Architectural History of the Royal Apartments, 1240–1698 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1999), 53–74.
- 63.
Thurley, Royal Palaces, 127–8 and 135–41, especially 138–139; Chatenet, La cour de France, 144–50. Further see Bertelli, Italian Renaissance Courts, 14.
- 64.
For access and spatiality at English palaces, see Thurley, Royal Palaces, 136–9. For access and spatiality at Valois palaces, see Knecht, French Renaissance Court, 68. Chatenet provides a comparison of Tudor and Valois palace room distribution: Chatenet, La cour de France, 183–4.
- 65.
Stephen Alford, “Counsel and Compulsion in Early Elizabethan Politics.” Paper presented at The Politics of Counsel and Council in Britain, c.1400–1700, University of St. Andrews, 27 October 2012, 9. I am indebted to Professor Alford for a copy of his unpublished paper.
- 66.
Robertson, Inuentaires, 148, 163.
- 67.
The bed, chair and buffet comprised this furniture of estate, with each denoting monarchical status. For furniture of estate at Tudor palaces, see Thurley, Royal Palaces, 234–43. For furniture of estate at Valois palaces, see Chatenet, La cour de France, 144–50; Knecht, French Renaissance Court, 76–7.
- 68.
For the important ceremonial role played by furniture of estate at Valois palaces, see Chatenet 2009, 198.
For chairs and cloths of estate and their ceremonial role at Tudor palaces, see Maria Hayward, “Symbols of majesty: cloths of estate at the court of Henry VIII,” Furniture History, 41 (2005): 1–11; “Seat furniture at the court of Henry VIII: a study of the evidence,” in Upholstery Conservation: Principles and Practice, ed. Gill, K. and Eastop, D.D.M. (London: Routledge, 2001), 115–32.
- 69.
Delorme’s dicta was subsequently presented in his 1567 treatise, quite possibly the first architectural treatise written outside of Italy: Philibert Delorme, Premier Tome de l’Architecture (1567), ed. Jean Marie Pérouse de Montclos (Paris, 1988), Book IX, Chapter I, 260–1.
- 70.
Chatenet, “The King’s Space,” 198.
- 71.
Nicolas Le Roux, “Henri III and the rites of monarchy,” in Europa Triumphans, I, eds. J. R. Mulryne, Helen Watanabe-O’Kelly, Elizabeth Goldring and Sarah Knight (London, 2010), 116.
- 72.
Pursuing the political usage of interior space and architecture, Mary deployed her bedchamber’s furniture of state and its ceremonial placement to create a structure to facilitate the dialogue of counsel that would take place in Holyrood’s innermost sanctum. Another form of structure to facilitate counsel is presented in Chap. 9 of this volume, where Hannah Coates discusses the four concepts (parrhesia, ethos, decorum and kairos) to be used for the effective proffering of advice.
- 73.
Hugh Murray Baillie, “Etiquette and the planning of state apartments in Baroque palaces,” Archeologia, 101 (1967): 169–99, especially at 186–7.
- 74.
Thurley 1999, 296.
- 75.
These particular furniture of estate pieces are discussed in Thurley, Royal Palaces, 234–43; Chatenet, La cour de France, 144–7.
- 76.
Thurley, “The King’s Space,” 53–74.
- 77.
Robertson, Inuentaires, 28–40.
- 78.
Thomas Thomson (ed.), Collection of Inventories and Other Records of the Royal Wardrobe and Jewelhouse and of the Artillery and Munition in Some Royal Castles. MCCCC.LXXXVIII.- M.DC.VI (Edinburgh, 1815), 45–6; John Lesley, History of Scotland from the Death of King James I in the Year of 1436 to the Year 1561 (Edinburgh: Bannatyne Club, 1830), 152.
- 79.
Robertson, Inuentaires, 29–31.
- 80.
For example, TA, XI, 203.
- 81.
Thurley, Royal Palaces, 11–23 and 234. For Valois palaces, see Chatenet, La cour de France, 148.
- 82.
Sir John Fortescue, The Governance of England: Otherwise Called the Difference between an Absolute and a Limited Monarchy, ed. C. Plummer (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1885), 125.
- 83.
Helen Matheson-Pollock’s Chap. 4 in this volume provides discussion of Margaret Tudor, as part of a comparative study of counselling offered by Tudor princesses who were foreign queen consorts.
- 84.
Henry Havard, Dictionnaire de l’ameublement et de la decoration, depuis le XIIIe siècle jusqu’a nos jours. Ouvrage illustre de 256 planches … et de 2500 gravures, II (Paris: Maison Quantin, 1887–1890), 185–6.
- 85.
TA, III, 213–214; Dunbar, Scottish Royal Palaces, 57.
- 86.
Thurley, Royal Palaces, 234.
- 87.
For example, Val Davies, State Beds and Throne Canopies: Care and Conservation (London: Archetype in Association with Historic Royal Palaces, 2003), 4.
- 88.
For Mary’s political agenda, see Lynch, “Introduction,” 8–23.
- 89.
Robertson, Inuentaires, 30. For ‘lit’ (the French-equivalent of the word ‘bed’), various contemporary spellings included “lift”, “lict” and “liftz”.
- 90.
Robertson, Inuentaires, 168, 172.
- 91.
CSP Scot, I, 551.
- 92.
For example, Loughlin, “Career of Maitland of Lethington,” 156.
- 93.
CPS Foreign, III, 573–6.
- 94.
Some of the detailed arrangements are highlighted in Randolph’s despatches, for example at CSP Scot, I, 618–21.
- 95.
For this meeting between Francis I and Henry VIII, see Jocelyne Russell, Field of Cloth of Gold: Men and Manners in 1520 (London, 1969).
- 96.
Robertson, Inuentaires, 168, 172; Michael Lynch, “Queen Mary’s triumph: the baptismal celebrations in Stirling in December 1566,” SHR, XXIV (1990), 1–21.
- 97.
Loughlin, “Career of Maitland of Lethington,” 153.
- 98.
John Guy, My Heart is My Own, 10.
- 99.
Loughlin, “Career of Maitland of Lethington,” 152–3.
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Johnson, A.N. (2018). Mary Stuart and Her Rebels-Turned-Privy Councillors: Performance of the Ritual of Counsel. In: Matheson-Pollock, H., Paul, J., Fletcher, C. (eds) Queenship and Counsel in Early Modern Europe. Queenship and Power. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76974-5_8
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