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Cross-examination, Fair Trial, and Survivor Justice in Rape

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Rape Trials in England and Wales

Abstract

So far, I have argued that rape trials hold significant barriers to survivor justice because of difficult practicalities and a cultural scaffolding that reinforces the use of rape myths, sexual history evidence, and wider societal stereotypes to undermine survivors’ voices. This chapter will expand on the evidence of deep-rooted barriers to survivor consideration, first by outlining the use of manipulative cross-examination techniques and then by unpacking the competing justice interests discussed by judges and barristers. Rhetoric about ‘rebalancing the system’ has emerged in the last decade, with increasing recognition that victims of crime are voters who can be won over with promises of improved rights in the criminal justice system (Duggan & Heap, 2013). Despite this, vehement opposition from legal professionals occurs each time an increase in survivors’ rights is suggested (for example, Naseem Bajwa & Niculiu’s 2016, response to the idea of sexual history evidence reform). Until now, little has been known about how these competing considerations are actually discussed at trial. Court observations shed light on this, demonstrating that many legal professionals are sensitive to survivors’ well-being, but a blinkered interpretation of the right to a fair trial can limit the extent to which this sensitivity is acted upon. This arrives at the heart of the difficulty with rape trials in England and Wales: In order to protect the accused’s right to a fair trial, it is assumed that survivors must suffer. While cross-examination is mostly restricted to adversarial jurisdictions, the other tensions are present internationally because the same right to fair trial is balanced against the same needs of survivors. Without a significant reframing of the rights of the accused and other witnesses, then, the criminal justice system will remain a hostile place for survivors of rape. Ultimately, this means that criminal justice cannot be the sole arena for survivor justice, as survivors’ needs will never be the central priority.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    I do not argue that these barristers were doing anything wrong by defending a client that they had implied was guilty, but rather that they were doing the right thing in the context of their role and that this is why it is important to look beyond criminal justice to meet survivors’ needs. However, as will be clear in the rest of this chapter, I also argue that sometimes the barristers’ interpretation of their role in protecting the right to a fair trial was over-zealous and must now incorporate greater consideration of the human rights of other witnesses.

  2. 2.

    The judges in R v Farooqi [2013] were also frustrated that cross-examination had become a series of comments posed as questions, when comment should be left to closing speeches (Henderson, 2016).

  3. 3.

    While pre-recorded cross-examination may help here, the same questioning process will take place and Baverstock (2016) found that many survivors were unaware they were being questioned ahead of trial rather than at trial itself. This suggests that pre-recorded examination will have limited impact on cross-examination style.

  4. 4.

    Matoesian (1993) also noted the gendered nature of interruption and control of the talking parameters, because men were more likely to interrupt successfully than women.

  5. 5.

    The defence case in this trial had featured text messages between the survivor and accused, who were long-term partners, where they appeared to be trying to make their failing relationship work.

  6. 6.

    Due to a 12–15 year time lapse between the rape and reporting to police , the survivor could only estimate the date of the alleged attack to an accuracy of between 3 and 5 years.

  7. 7.

    Lord Judge (2013, cited in Henderson, 2016) later argued that these principles should be applied to all adult witnesses, and several appeal decisions suggest that this is indeed being done.

  8. 8.

    This lateness appears to be due to another judge having ruled that some of these posts could be included and once more highlights the broad interpretation of sexual history evidence rules (see Chap. 4).

  9. 9.

    The right to a fair trial includes a timely hearing and so involve a sense of efficiency .

  10. 10.

    Once a witness is being examined, they are not allowed contact with the barrister who called them so as to avoid the evidence being contaminated or changed. This can be overruled in certain situations and several defence barristers did end up speaking to the accused mid-examination.

  11. 11.

    The Juries Act 1974 states that the minimum size of a jury is nine lay people, and so it is legal to dismiss up to three jurors.

  12. 12.

    I argue that the same piece of evidence could be interpreted as both relevant and irrelevant, so ‘truth’-seeking does not relate to finding truth itself, but rather the discourses about ‘truth’ used in trial.

  13. 13.

    It is good that the accused’s right to a fair trial is the central concern for legal professionals and this research is not critiquing their consideration in itself, only the interpretation of fair trial as a necessarily favourable one.

  14. 14.

    This includes all evidence gathered by the prosecution but which will not be used in their arguments, so that the accused has “adequate time and facilities as to prepare for his defence” (Human Rights Act 1998 Article 6b ).

  15. 15.

    Two of the women had learning difficulties, one of whom needed an intermediary, while the third woman had substance abuse problems. Two of the women also had very significant mental health problems.

  16. 16.

    After being found guilty of raping two of the three women in this trial, the men pleaded guilty to grooming.

  17. 17.

    Although the evidential presumptions introduced by the Sexual Offences Act 2003 require the accused to present evidence of their innocence in certain circumstances, Bogan (2009) noted that trials remain fair so long as the accused can refute evidential presumptions and are aware of the right to appeal.

  18. 18.

    While it is not known what sentence the survivor wanted for the accused, it seems contrary to her interests for the courts to wilfully disregard evidence of chronic domestic abuse or to imply that she was partly culpable for the rape because she ended their relationship.

  19. 19.

    About 75–80 per cent certainty is more in line with the lower standard of proof called ‘preponderance of the evidence’, which is used in some civil cases.

  20. 20.

    The European Convention on Human Rights designated rights as limited, qualified, or absolute. Limited rights, for example the right to freedom, can be overruled relatively easily (such as if someone commits a crime and is imprisoned as punishment). Absolute rights, on the other hand, are presented as non-negotiable and must be upheld at all times. Qualified rights form the middle ground between these approaches (Gibson et al., 2002).

  21. 21.

    Having said this, Hoyano (2014) noted that Article 6 in the Human Rights Act does not have specifically stated limitations and so it is difficult to understand how fair trial is qualified.

  22. 22.

    One example is MC v Bulgaria [2003] (No. 39272/98, ECHR , December 2003) which although not related to cross-examination , is noteworthy because it ruled that rape does not need to include force or physical resistance. This means that States have a positive obligation under Articles 3 and 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights to effectively investigate and punish all forms of rape.

  23. 23.

    Although Brienen and Hoegen (2000) found that survivors still regularly perceived cross-examination as harsh in France, Belgium, Germany, and Italy.

  24. 24.

    These four countries are Sweden, Denmark, Portugal, and Norway.

  25. 25.

    Although this would arguably still benefit all survivors because of the increased awareness of their rights, this justice gap would be unacceptable.

  26. 26.

    Although this has mostly been confused in public debate. Brexit involves withdrawing from the Charter of Fundamental Rights and the European Court of Justice, but not the ECHR or the ECtHR .

  27. 27.

    However, the 2015 Conservative Manifesto did suggest that it would replace the Human Rights Act with a British Bill of Rights. It seems unlikely that such a Bill of Rights would greatly differ on the issue of fair trial and inhuman treatment.

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Smith, O. (2018). Cross-examination, Fair Trial, and Survivor Justice in Rape. In: Rape Trials in England and Wales. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75674-5_6

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