Keywords

1 Introduction

The apparent treatment of Maori following the 4 September 2010 Darfield Earthquake presented something that New Zealanders didn’t want to see or acknowledge. The notion of inequality or ethnic discrimination was un-New Zealand and therefore deeply unacceptable. It would subsequently result in the setting up of a Maori Response Network (MRN) in the Christchurch Earthquake in 2011 and also in the Kaikoura Earthquake in 2016. The success of both of these MRN’s and also the occurrence of the Black Swan Event (BSE) that generated it has yet to be recognised by the broader New Zealand community. This was however witnessed by both authors as they were on the ‘front line’ in all of the contexts covered and those experiences they bring to this writing.

This chapter looks at this Maori BSE and examines its nature against current definitions and specifically against the New Orleans’s Lower 9th Ward response. It then considers how Maori managed with a study of the Maori community at Rapaki just outside Christchurch following the 2011 earthquake. The existence and the current management of this BSE in New Zealand and how Maori manage should be recognised in disaster plans. That is not happening. Moreover, the sense by both authors is that this work will resonant with other ethnic responses in New Zealand such as Pacific Islanders, SE Asians and Chinese.

The phrase “Black Swan” is an expression of something that does not or is presumed not to exist. It underlines how something completely unexpected can unravel systems of thought, value propositions and processes. In this case, “the observation of a single black swan would be the undoing of the logic of any system of thought, as well as any reasoning that followed from that underlying logic” (Wikipedia 2017).

A BSE has three principal characteristics (Taleb 2007):

  1. 1.

    It is unpredictable in that it is beyond the modelling, the experience of the planners and the history of the discipline involved. The event is a ‘surprise’ to the observer.

  2. 2.

    It carries a massive and/or significant impact.

  3. 3.

    After the first event, the psychological biases which blind people, both individually and collectively attempts to rationalise the experience in hind sight to make it appear less random and more predictable, than it actually was.

According to Taleb we concentrate on the things we already know and fail to allow for what we don’t. While concentrating on what we do know is reasonable within itself; the requirement to know what we don’t seems quizzical. For example, could we know about the role of the internet and companies such as GOOGLE or the possibilities of people contributing freely to an encyclopaedia such as Wikipedia…….or on the other hand the Syrian Crisis, climate change and the 2008 economic crisis. The suggestion that any of these were ‘knowable’ and thereby ‘manageable’ seems unreason. Taleb disagrees.

He further questions why is it that we seem to over-estimate our ability to predict the future and thereby determine our destiny? (Taleb 2007). And while the emphasis for BSEs have been identified in Insurance (Munich Re 2015), Finance (Stuart 2011) (Foresight NZ 2016), Security (Broad 2016) and possibly the Military; there is the sense that other areas could also benefit from its application. The main barrier appears to be one of perspective. For instance, the relationship between cause and effect in these events is built upon knowing both the causes and the effects. Not knowing one or other results in an inability to act; but act one must do nevertheless (Cholewa, Mamula-Seadon 2012). We then become immediately tangled in what is our role/job/task and what is the responsibility of others. We start questioning ourselves about ‘what if I get it wrong’, ‘am I responsible’ and how would that ‘look’ and affect me, my position or my status. Consequently, we appear to be ill equipped to know or manage a BSE. New Zealand research has instead concentrated on resilience after-the-disaster and in particular organisational/community resilience rather than any preparedness before it (Kachali et al. 2012; Kenney et al. 2015).

In this chapter the terms ‘Black Swan’ and ‘Blind Spot’ are used interchangeably because the sense in the field was more of a ‘blind spot’ that came upon you rather than the ‘surreal’ appearance of a black swan on a quiet pond.

2 New Orleans Lower 9th Ward August 2005

‘What ís happening here isn’t a Black thing, it’s not a White thing, and it’s not a political thing. This is something that affects everyone, no matter who you are. It’s just that the poor are the ones hit hardest, and a lot of the poor are Black.’ (Perrin et al. 2008). What happened in the Lower 9th Ward was a BSE that occurred seemingly ‘under-the-nose’ of city authorities.

Cutter gives more details about what happened in New Orleans with her comments (Cutter 2006) ‘...race and class are certainly factors that help explain the social vulnerability in the South, while ethnicity plays an additional role in many cities. When the middle classes (both White and Black) abandon a city, the disparities between the very rich and the very poor expand. Add to this an increasing elderly population, the homeless, transients (including tourists), and other special needs populations, and the prospects for evacuating a city during times of emergencies becomes a daunting challenge for most American cities. What is a major challenge for other cities became a virtual impossibility for New Orleans. Those that could muster the personal resources evacuated the city. With no welfare check (the hurricane struck near the end of the month), little food, and no help from the city, state, or federal officials, the poor were forced to ride out the storm in their homes or move to the shelters of last resort. This is the enduring face of Hurricane Katrina—poor, black, single mothers, young, and old—struggling just to survive; options limited by the ineffectiveness of preparedness and the inadequacy of response’. It was missed despite the warnings (Homeland Security 2006) and the city’s hurricane history going back to 1722. It even had its own name, ‘The New Orleans Scenario’ and was treated by FEMA as one of the three most critical disasters facing the US (Moynihan 2009)....Yet it was missed nonetheless.......and Cutter seems somewhat generous with her comment that ...what is a major challenge for other cities became a virtual impossibility for New Orleans...’ given that the year before the city had an evacuation due to Hurricane Ivan.

However, she goes on to comment that ‘...socially created vulnerabilities are largely ignored in the hazards and disaster literature because they are so hard to measure and quantify. Social vulnerability is partially a product of social inequalities—those social factors and forces that create the susceptibility of various groups to harm, and in turn affect their ability to respond, and bounce back (resilience) after the disaster. But it is much more than that. Social vulnerability involves the basic provision of health care, the liveability of places, overall indicators of quality of life, and accessibility to lifelines (goods, services, and emergency response personnel), capital, and political representation.’ Perhaps this was why it was missed........

Thus, it seems that BSE’s can and do exist in the post disaster context. This one was unpredicted (despite the apparent warning signs), certainly had a large impact on a nation that seemingly could not help its own that was played out on national and international media and as ostensibly suggested by Cutter was explainable.

3 The New Zealand Blind Spot

Nonetheless, it was unthinkable that something similar could happen in comparative ‘small town’ New Zealand; but it did.

Maori are the indigenous people of New Zealand. They migrated via canoes from Polynesia sometime between 1250 and 1300 CE (Te Ara 2017a). A unique culture and language developed that is evident today with whakapapa or ancestry being connected back to these canoes. Maori appear to be more urban based with 84% living in metropolitan areas and especially for Auckland where 25% of that number reside (Te Ara 2017b). New Zealanders pride themselves on the racial harmony they enjoy and so what happened ran deep. What occurred in New Orleans Lower 9th Ward could not occur there……. but that was not the case.

4 Darfield Earthquake, 4 September 2010

A magnitude 7.1 earthquake occurred in Darfield which is approximately 40 kilometres west of the city of Christchurch in the South Island of New Zealand. The seismic event damaged buildings and caused soil liquefaction in the rural town of Kaiapoi and the Christchurch suburbs of Bexley, Aranui and generally throughout Christchurch’s Eastern suburbs. The liquefaction caused problems with buried water and sewer pipes, flooding and building foundations. Liquefaction occurs when seismic shaking forces water in the soil to move upwards that consequently turns what was stable ground temporary into quicksand. The Eastern Suburbs which includes Bexley and Aranui is also where the city’s sewerage treatment ponds are located and hence where lower Christchurch land values could be found; and in many socio-economic ways mirrored the Lower 9th Ward of New Orleans.

An apparent lack of communication (The Press 2010) had Maori Party MP Rahui Katene calling for a public apology over the treatment of one 30-strong Christchurch Martin whanau (an extended Maori family unit) who were evicted from an Earthquake Welfare Centre. The family were publically labelled as “repulsive” by Christchurch City Mayor Bob Parker based on Police reports that family members were intimidating others and that they had falsely claimed their houses as being uninhabitable. However, Lala Martin showed The Press [the main daily newspaper in Christchurch] through her quake-hit Gayhurst Rd [located in Aranui in Christchurch] home yesterday and pointed out what appeared to be sewage coming out of a drain and into her mud-pit, flooded front yard. She was trying to keep her six children, two of whom were bottle-fed, out of the muck, but one of her babies appeared to have developed a gastric illness. She showed The Press the Green inspection notices [posted by Civil Defence Authorities] that bore Thursday’s date [they only found about the Green notices basically saying the houses were “habitable” on the day they were evicted from the centre] but said it was the sanitation aspect that made her flee her home. “We’ve gone from being victims of the earthquake to victims of the people who were helping us out. I wouldn’t use the facilities again, I would just stay home.” Grandmother Manawai Martin wept as she said she was more traumatised by being labelled “bludgers” (and publicly castigated by the Mayor) than by any earthquake. “Maori will be too scared, too embarrassed, to come use [relief services],” she said. Grandfather Noel Martin said he left his Mongrel Mob [Maori based gang] patch in the car when they arrived at the centre. “Yes I’m in the gang. What’s that got to do with the state of emergency?” (TV3 2010).

Martin said Parker had “done the damage” to their family and he would be voting for Jim Anderton. Parker said he would meet the family if they wanted but it was “not a high priority”. Manawai said the first the family knew of being evicted was when police approached them. At 1.20 pm [on Friday] they were issued a trespass order saying they had until 2 pm to move all 30 out, she said. Manawai started crying immediately. Her family had helped out at the centre and one of her 14-year-old granddaughters had been given a Civil Defence vest in recognition of all the work she did. The family only discovered their houses had green placards on Friday and she wanted one more night in the shelter as getting 30 people mobilised was difficult. There was no definition of who were allowed in the shelter, she said. Most of those they met had no damage to their homes and were there because they needed support or they were scared. Noel Martin said he was one of the workers cleaning up Christchurch and straight after the quake he went to his daughter’s house and then checked on her neighbours. “[Parker] has turned this from a positive into a negative,” he said. Parker “absolutely refuted” that race played any part in the disaster relief effort. He said his comments about the family were in response to reports from police that the family was making things “significantly harder” in the centre. Though he did not believe he was wrong, he would happily admit it if he was, he said.

Therefore, what happened with the Martin whanau was unexpected, had deep implications and moreover at least for the Mayor could be readily explained. It was a BSE. And it would have probably ended there had it not been for a subsequent and more damaging earthquake 5 months later.

5 Christchurch Earthquake, 22 February 2011

An even more devastating earthquake happened on the 22 February 2011 at a location 10 kilometres south-east of the centre of Christchurch near the port town of Lyttleton. Though smaller in magnitude at 6.1 than the earlier 7.1 Darfield Earthquake it caused extensive building damage and the loss of 185 lives. With earlier experiences of the Martin family still fresh, it seemed that a separate Maori Response Network (MRN) should be established to avoid a repeat of that earlier incident and the potential for conflict at Earthquake Welfare Centres.

The MRN was set up at Rehua Marae in central Christchurch and was established ostensibly to facilitate communication and to identify the appropriate service providers over the short to medium term. This is discussed in more detail in the next section, but there was deep resentment amongst Maori leaders and elders which was revealed on New Zealand National Television.

‘Well...I can say that...because we are on the ...I suppose the poor side of town.... in terms of how bureaucratic people look at it ...we’re last in line.... we see the Mayor alot on TV...but it’s always about the inner city or the other suburbs you know... we’ve never see him..... in fact he came around once... on this street only because the Minister of Maori Affairs turned up.....why do we always have to miss out.... why are we always last...’ Peter Mason a resident of the Eastern Suburbs of Christchurch and then Chair of Nga Hau e Wha National Marae (located in the Eastern Suburbs) being interviewed about the seemingly ‘forgotten’ earthquake affected Eastern Suburbs of Christchurch April 2011 (Maori Television 2011) (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1
figure 1

The Eastern Suburbs of Christchurch, before and after the 2011 Earthquake. The circled area is the same house for reference (Source Google Earth and Authors)

On that same program, Bob Parker the then Mayor of Christchurch in response stated that ...’no body’s going around here [the Christchurch Earthquake Response Centre]saying we won’t go to that area, that’s a lower socio-economic area...let’s go and look after the people who have got more money...is that even reasonable. I mean if someone’s suggesting that of me I would resign from my job right now...I just feel so strongly about that ...that is a pathetic criticism ...sorry if I am being offensive but I find that deeply, deeply offensive ..you know of anything...what we have done in this organisation is to say look at the areas that have been hit for a second time [the first being an earlier earthquake in September 2010] and devastated by the impact of this [February 2011 Earthquake] and let’s do everything we can to get into those areas and to ensure that we can support them as best as we can’. The program was aired on prime time National Television on 10 April 2011, 47 days after the 22 February 2011 earthquake.

It is interesting to note the similarities to New Orleans in terms of Civic management and its apparent rejection. Furthermore, it is also interesting in that this Black Swan was well known to Maori but a shock to non-Maori; and hence the significance of these two interviews.

6 The Christchurch MRN Timeline

A timeline based on the MRN operations from when the Earthquake happened on the 22/2/2011 till when it was scaled down a month later on 21/3/2011 has been compiled and is in Appendix A. The approach of constructing the MRN timeline allows the nature of the BSE both in Christchurch and later in Kaikoura to emerge. This is regardless of the ethnic trigger occurring earlier in the 2010 seismic event. The timeline was formed from key discussions and information summarized from minutes of meetings, emails, reports and journals kept by volunteers working with the Kaitahu (Strategic) Steering Group (KSG).

The timeline (perhaps surprisingly) shows that the MRN worked well and had potentially better communication and information flow with the Government Departments through Te Puni Kokiri (TPK, the Government Department dealing with all Maori Affairs) than those outside the network. It also had good communications with Te Runanga o Ngai Tahu (the local Maori Iwi or recognised tribal authority) and acted as an effective information exchange centre, a contact point for other Maori Iwi coming in from outside Christchurch, the Maori Wardens Association (both local and national) and coordinated donations coming in and distribution going out. In addition, it was able to pick up and direct reports of particular cases like the Martin’s that would have otherwise “fallen off the radar. Almost by default it became a focal point for visiting dignitaries such as Kevin Rudd who at that time was the Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs.” And finally it became something of a touch point for the emotion of the disaster for which there was no other facility given that the CBD was cordoned off and many churches and other suitable buildings were damaged and hence closed.

However, the timeline also highlights a lack of access in specific areas such as health, provision of port-a-loos and entry into Welfare Centres. The health issue was particularly unfortunate as a team of trained nurses arrived from the Arawa (Iwi) from New Zealand’s North Island. They brought their own medical supplies and were deployed on the 28 February to the Aranui and Wainoni area of the Eastern Suburbs of Christchurch and were so successful that they used all their medical supplies by the 1 March. They requested supplies from Christchurch Hospital but were rejected and the team told that people in the Eastern Suburbs should come into the hospital. Travelling to the main hospital was problematic given the state of the roads, the lack of transport and the pressing issues of family and home. Moreover, the move to a community based approach (Ratima 2010) for areas such as the Eastern Suburbs was a recognised method of health care delivery and the reasons for its earlier adoption made even more sense in the post disaster context (Boulton et al. 2009). This gap is summed up by one interview that “[It’s] about advocating for the weakest, for the poorest, for the ugliest, for the least likely to earn some bread. And sometimes when you’re working with that…you’re working from the bottom of the barrel”. People don’t want to work with these people because they’ve tried to and [it’s] too hard. For us, that’s our bread and butter…it’s about “we know you, we probably know your uncles and aunties, and we’re interested in how they are and you and we’re interested in how the rest of your whanau is working and how we can get in there and help support that”. Other supplies were found and the nurses were still active through till the 7 March 2011. But the experience of the (community based) health workers/nurses perhaps underlines that there will be sections of the community that disaster professionals seek to assist but may not be able to because of “a gap” or maybe “the gap”.

7 The Nature of BSE’s

It is evident from this timeline analysis that a BSE depends on the observer and that it emerges when the gap between what we know and what we think we know becomes untenable (Taleb 2007). Maori seem to have known about the black swan in the Eastern Suburbs and moreover had over time seemingly become accustomed to it. While for others, its existence would mean resignation from their public role as was stated by the Mayor. This strong contradiction seems to be the signature for this BSE.

In a similar way, it would appear that the mind can be prone to such blind spots or bias; and that can be quite public especially as connectivity increases through mobile phones and the internet. Moreover, it would have been a simple act to go out to the Eastern Suburbs and visit the area and ‘see’ what was actually happening rather than relying on reports and feedback. This would have been a simple 10–15 min car drive.

In addition, driving out may have also underlined that some of the data being used by the Planners and the CDEM may not have been accurate; as was shown with the port-a-loos (Potangaroa et al. 2011). But what eventuated in this instance was the demolition of houses and eviction the families that occupied them. The associated pay out for land did seem equitable if you had assets; but not for those renting. The overall effect was the clearing of much of the Eastern Suburbs after a protracted insurance process that did not provide the intended alternatives for those that were displaced.

On the other hand the gap between a resilient and a Black Swan response one may not be as different as proposed.

But overall the sense within the MRN, like the Martin family earlier, was that Maori were on their own; a theme that was certainly coming through the Press, Maori/National television (National Television 2011) and the radio media (TV NZ 2011) and parallel what happened in the Lower 9th Ward of New Orleans (Rotary NZ 2011). In particular the comments from Perrin et al. seem to make sense in the eastern Suburbs…. “Many of us alternated between emotional numbness, intense anger, sadness, and guilt. Trying to make sense of the destruction and our reactions to it often brought surreal confusion. At times, we felt detached from reality, and memories of our own homes seemed distant. Following the advice of a faculty member, we had brought pictures of our families to provide a sense of normalcy. The pictures seemed out of place among our surroundings; even phone calls home felt odd because loved ones could not fully understand what we were experiencing. On a small scale, we began to appreciate how residents may have felt amid their devastated lives” (Perrin et al. 2008). This was poignant for the Eastern Suburbs given that the Western Suburbs of the city was in comparison unaffected and life went on as usual.

8 Kaikoura Earthquake, 14 November 2016

At 12.02 am on the 14 November 2016, a 7.8 earthquake struck near the coastal town of Kaikoura; which is 150 kilometres north east of Christchurch. Road access is cut off by numerous and significant landslides and the collapse of several bridges. In a similar manner the railway is also cut off and hence the only access is via helicopter. There is confusion within Civil Defence Emergency management CDEM (Stuff 2016). The harbour had been rendered almost useless due to the seismic upheaval of the harbour sea bed. The 111 phone line fails and by 12.57 am there is confusion amongst CDEM as to whether a tsunami warning should be given as a 2 metre tsunami had already hit the town. This particularly impacts on the many tourists that are now stranded in Kaikoura and they head up to the local Takahanga Marae which is adjacent to where an informal camping ground is set up. There are approximately 700 people that spend the remainder of the night at the Marae as aftershocks continue and there is no power available (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2
figure 2

The Kaikoura Context (Source authors)

9 THE Kaikoura MRN

A timeline was again constructed for the Kaikoura MRN based on situational reports, field/diary notes, meetings/hui, reports and data and observations from being at Takahanga Marae from 19th to 23rd November 2016. It is from the perspective of Maori and particularly for the Takahanga Marae in Kaikoura and is in Appendix B.

This timeline shows that the MRN worked well. Moreover, it is not clear how the CDEM would have managed the tourists that were stranded in Kaikoura if it had not been for the Marae serving 10,000 meals in 6 days. Local Maori stayed away because they appreciated the pressure and the associated work that those on the Marae would be under. The Ngai Tahu Iwi were able to set up supply lines and support for the Marae. But again its contribution, as it was earlier in Christchurch with Rehua Marae, was essentially ignored by this Earthquake Response run out of the Emergency Operations Centre EOC located in the Kaikoura Council Building.

The Marae lacked access to water, toilets, power and food; with the water being the most important one. However they were able to work around it using firstly ‘borrowed’ water tanks and then a New Zealand Red Cross water bladder elevated on the back of a truck tray so that water could flow down when the taps were turned on. Initially, it was manually carried into the kitchens and then a pump was used once power was restored. There was frustration on the Marae that it was presented with the issue of stranded tourists: that CDEM did not have any plan and then when it did step up, it felt ignored. There were disputes over food that was being helicoptered in and the Police had to be called; there were assaults over access to petrol chits and there was an ongoing struggle to maintain water access. Moreover, the Marae had to put aside helping local Maori and hence the last community meal was served on Sunday 20 November 2016. It seemed to be the right time. The focus then switched over to assessments and needs of local Maori both in Kaikoura and in the district. Some families were sorting out their needs but a percentage between 20% and 30% needed assistance. One example was a whanau group (an extended family) of 32 living in one 3 bedroom house because their respective houses were earthquake affected and moreover they felt safer together. The sense that others were ‘worse off’ then what they were seemed to sum up the local Maori perspective; but it was obvious that a solution needed to be actioned so that the family could plan their return to ‘normal’ living conditions.

The Marae was crucially involved in the paua relocation when there was disputes between the volunteer’s relocating paua and the Ministry of Prime Industries (MPI) that were seeking to ‘protect’ the paua.

The Runanga (local Maori tribal authority) based at Takahanga Marae have the legal right and the cultural imperative to issue permits for customary gathering of kaimoana (sea food) in the Kaikoura district. They were approached by a volunteer group that were trying to relocate the paua (a large sea snail) that were marooned when the sea bed at the inter-tidal zone was lifted by the earthquake. The MPI stepped in and stopped the operation saying that their scientific evidence was that paua would find their way back to the sea. This did not make sense to those on the ground as even cray fish and fish could not find their way back to the sea and were dying. It was shown that the scientific evidence that MPI were referencing did not account for large ground uplifts and grudgingly allowed the volunteers to proceed. The logic of leaving paua to ultimately die on the rocks rather than risk their relocation was seemingly resolved. However, MPI may have had other concerns such as poaching and the relocation areas for paua. But what is clear is that the Runanga based at Takahanga Marae were able to assist in unblocking what would have been a disaster for Maori and also for the paua industry.

There were several other roles that the MRN based at Takahanga Marae took on but these two were crucial.

10 What Were the Lessons Learnt?

The following lessons were taken from the experiences in Christchurch and Kaikoura:

  • BSE in the field seem difficult to nail down to one issue. They appear to come in ‘flocks’. While the central BSE was the ethnic discrimination and its resulting division within what was considered a harmonious New Zealand society; there were others.

  • The core of the BSE triggers were well known to Maori but were seemingly unknown to non-Maori. Lambert is blunt and refers to it as “something that indigenous peoples have already mapped into their lifeworld’s through colonisation” (Lambert 2014). Nonetheless, this has emerged as a central issue especially when moving forward and determining the next planning/operational steps.

  • The core of the BSE appear to be ‘historic’ and existed prior to the disaster (as was probably the case in New Orleans)

  • They are hard to accept or even acknowledge; and hence the ‘history repeating itself’ in this sequence of events from 2010 to 2016. It would seem to have been doing that for some generations.

  • In both situations there was the sense of a ‘Blind Spot’ and that Maori were unfortunately on their own.

  • Maori connection and their much longer historic perspective of the land was not understood nor included in the plans and post disaster response. Maori are tied to the land by this history and effectively cannot move; and much like Cutter observed in New Orleans, the ‘enduring face of the Maori response to seismic swans’ is the desire to remain.

  • It is perhaps academically interesting that these BSE were triggered by earthquakes and whether flooding or storms would have generated similar occurrences? The sudden-ness of earthquakes and the inability to prepare do make them prone to creating BSE’s. The post disaster scenario of ongoing earthquakes and access to buildings and services at least for the New Zealand context suggests that BSE could be linked to earthquake disasters more than other disaster types.

  • The ability of larger Maori organisations to response should be recognised and CDEM probably needs to include them around the planning table as members of the planning group rather than solely for consultation. They represent significant assets and networks in areas where CDEM have been shown to be lacking. Examples of such organisations include the Ngai Tahu Iwi, Government Departments such as Te Puni Kokiri and Whanau Ora, te Putahitanga, the Maori Wardens and Marae such as Nga Hau e Wha National Marae, Takahanga and Rehua. Such engagement is currently not happening.

  • Finally, the role of Marae in the confusion of a BSE cannot be underlined enough.

11 BSE’s and Resilience

Intuitively, there would seem to be a connection between BSE and resilience (Hughes and Healy 2014). The identification of risks and vulnerabilities that has been the usual disaster management approach works but only where all the risks and their associated vulnerabilities are identified. This is proving problematic to the point of not being operational; and what responders are increasingly seeing are post disaster contexts that could not have been anticipated (NZ Govt 2016). The Asian Tsunami in 2004 was seen as the ultimate disaster, which was exceeded by the Pakistan earthquake in 2005. That was again exceeded by the earthquake in Sichuan in 2008 and then by the earthquake in Haiti in 2010. That was exceeded again when there were two major disasters in 1 year with the Pakistan Floods. Thus the idea of resilience would appear to be at least one operational response to these increasingly complex and unpredictable situations. Would resilience be something that could or should be applied in a BSE and moreover are they connected? Initial research suggests “No” and what is being heard spans between ‘we have done all that could reasonably be expected of us’ to ‘an attack is inevitable and will be overwhelming, so there’s not much point worrying about resilience’ (Sullivan-Taylor and Wilson 2007).

Hence a small study was completed following the Christchurch Earthquake to address this issue which has perhaps gained importance given the Kaikoura event. The study focussed on the Maori community of Rapaki which is by the sea and just two bays from the Christchurch port of Lyttleton.

12 The Rapaki Historical Background

The Lyttelton Harbour area has been occupied by Maori for over 700 years with the first Europeans arriving in 1770. It was known as Port Cooper and around 1850 renamed to Lyttelton. The Rapaki Native Reserve of 850 acres, was part of the Port Cooper Block which had a Deed of Sale dated August 10th 1849; though Rapaki had been occupied well before then. It is a Maori Reserve that stretches from the sea to the hill tops to the South with the prominent peak being Te Poho Tamatea (“the Breast of Tamatea”). It is apparently named after Tamatea Pōkai Whenua who climbed the peak to recited a karakia (or ritual chant) asking a tohunga (a priest or expert practitioner) to send fire to warm his people. It is one of many such landscape sites in the area named after the historical events, stories and battles of the Maori Ngāi Tahu tribe and their Ngāti Māmoe ancestors. On the other end of the site, the sea has provided a source of food and in 1998 Rāpaki became one of the first sites for a Mātaitai reserve. This is where the Rapaki community control and enforce customary fishing resources and access. Thus the historical ties at Rapaki run deep.

13 Field Work

The study was completed as part of a larger city wide one conducted by the Institute of Environmental Research (ESR) and was in partnership with Canterbury University and the Seaview Resilience Centre. The Rapaki study consisted of 13 semi structured, in-depth interviews with key people that lived in Rapaki about how the community responded to the Christchurch Earthquake. Rapaki was hit by bouncing boulders from Tamatea and were featured in worldwide media coverage (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3
figure 3

The Rapaki Boulders with Tamatea in the background (Source authors)

The CDEM red tagged several of the houses because of the possibility of boulders risk but people ignored these risks and quietly moved back into their homes. Carbon dating of boulders suggested that there was a 7000 year cycle of boulders coming down from Tamatea with their being an active period of around 100 years. The decision was to move people out of the tagged houses but because of the ancestral connection that residents felt with the land they decided to nonetheless stay.

The interviews suggest that Maori have a substantial social resilience which is based around the Marae but more so in the ‘Place’ as a historical or cultural ‘anchor’. For Rapaki that stretched out over 700 years as outlined earlier which at times seem to give it almost ‘mythological’ connections. However, from a BSE perspective, the interviews suggested the following methodology:

  1. 1.

    Accept the new situation that is presented to.

  2. 2.

    Find meaning in it.

  3. 3.

    Try to improvise to find final resolution of this new context.

For example, the community kept the boulder in the above photographs and actual made it into a kind of memorial. One commented that the earthquake disaster was ‘an opportunity to change things’. Thus, they accepted the new context. They then found comfort in remembering comments from their parents that had now found a scientific basis or meaning. And finally they also found ways to work around being barred from returning to their homes such as temporary accommodation and exit routes. The approach does have similarities to an Adaptive Leadership Style suggested by Heifetz and Linsky (Heifetz 2011).

Could this be a Maori approach to BSE’s?

The interviews also suggested that:

  • Rapaki is a place that can heal socially with one particular poignant story of how one child affected by the earthquake was able to find resolution on returning to Rapaki. Thus the land had the capacity to ‘spiritually’ heal because it was the ‘residence’ for those that had gone before.

  • And moreover, Rapaki seemed to be “a person” to those interviewed, regardless of their age or the time they had lived there. It was like there was another person somewhere in the background.

Could this personalisation also be part of that Maori response to BSE’s?

14 Conclusion

Black Swans are messy; and the move to their rationalisation may not be as automatic as Taleb suggests; New Zealand is still trying to understand what happened….much like New Orleans. On the other hand, the MRN seems to be accepted as the standard response mode by Maori and may have to be folded into the CDEM procedures. The key should be that ‘No one is left behind’.