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The Knowing in Indigenous Knowledge: Alternative Ways to View Development, Largely from a New Guinea Highlands’ Perspective

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Ethnic and Cultural Dimensions of Knowledge

Part of the book series: Knowledge and Space ((KNAS,volume 8))

Abstract

What might indigenous knowledge mean to others and what are the implications for its effective integration into development? After discussing criticism of the adjective indigenous, the author focuses on the noun knowledge. The concept of knowing in the New Guinea Highlands points up the subjective nature of understanding and potential for disagreement. The structures of languages, particularly verb constructions featuring evidentials, reflect this subjectivity, indicating the source and reliability of intelligence imparted in any dialogue. The evidential interest relates to oral traditions, embodied knowing, and individual knowledge variability. It also indicates the trust to put in any intelligence, particularly salient in acephalous contexts, where expert authorities are not recognized. The developmental implications are considerable, for a stateless political environment precludes the imposition of capitalist state ideas of economic development, though the outlines of an alternative acephalous development are currently unclear but likely to feature a struggle to accommodate egalitarian values to the hierarchical wider world.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    It does so notably by facilitating meaningful communication and promoting a collaborative atmosphere (see Sillitoe 2004; Strathern 2006 underlines communication).

  2. 2.

    Although referred to as the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis , the views that Sapir and Whorf had on language and culture were not identical. Whorf was interested primarily in grammatical categories and their influences on thought (see Lucy 1992, for a critical review).

  3. 3.

    According to some linguists (Martin 1986; Pullum 1991), speakers of the Eskimoan family of languages do not have a strikingly larger number of words for snow than, for example, English does, whose vocabulary includes snow, slush, sleet, hail, freezing rain, blizzard, drift, white-out, flurry, and powder; compounds such as snowstorm and snowflake; and terms particularly familiar to skiers, such as cornice, mogul, run, avalanche, and hardpack. According to critics, many of us have swallowed the hoax of Inuit snow categories because it plays to the exotic view of these nose-rubbing, blubber-eating people (Pullum 1991, p. 162). By contrast, the fact that printers have dozens of words covering a range of fonts and typefaces for what the rest of society simply calls letters arouses scant interest. But this lack of awareness does not detract from the point that the vocabulary people have at their disposal informs their understanding to some extent, certainly as communicated to others.

  4. 4.

    The wantok (Tok Pisin, literally “one talk,” speaker of the same language) system in urban areas is another manifestation of these strains.

  5. 5.

    This point is evident, for example, in Crick’s (1982) review of the anthropology of knowledge. He deals there largely with the social dimensions of knowledge, comments on cognitive issues, and concludes with reflections on reflexivity and the nature of anthropological knowledge but omits any consideration of philosophical questions relating to the nature of knowledge and their relativity.

  6. 6.

    As an aside, this chapter differs in another way, repudiating Barth’s (2002) assessment of IK as “not the most felicitous way” to investigate knowledge (p. 2).

  7. 7.

    These ideas are similar to the Melpa one of noman (see Stewart and Strathern 2001; Strathern and Stewart 1998, 2000, pp. 64–66).

  8. 8.

    The use of the term self-consciousness here does not imply the negative connotations of being self-conscious.

  9. 9.

    Linguists think that evidentiality, as a grammatical feature, has lexical origins in that where evidentiality is expressed both grammatically and lexically, lexical forms (such as the verbs to see, to hear, and to say) are slowly absorbed into verb forms generally, first by clitization and subsequently as verb endings (Epps 2005; Willett 1988).

  10. 10.

    An example is the controversy over Mead’s (1928) Samoa account. See Brady (1983), Freeman (1983), and Holmes (1987).

  11. 11.

    The Society coined the motto when science was emerging in a society dominated by a church that demanded unquestioning faith, that is, before the learned organization had become part of the establishment’s authority and expected nonscientists to believe its word.

  12. 12.

    The term derives from the conjugation’s function of marking an action in which the speaker has not participated or was not fully conscious (Mannheim and van Vleet 1998, p. 338).

  13. 13.

    I am grateful to Rosaleen Howard and Bob Layton for discussions on Quechua and Aboriginal languages, respectively.

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Sillitoe, P. (2016). The Knowing in Indigenous Knowledge: Alternative Ways to View Development, Largely from a New Guinea Highlands’ Perspective. In: Meusburger, P., Freytag, T., Suarsana, L. (eds) Ethnic and Cultural Dimensions of Knowledge. Knowledge and Space, vol 8. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-21900-4_7

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