Abstract
This chapter centers on the South Asian Muslim scholar, Muhammad ‘Ali Mongiri (1846–1927), one of the founders of the Nadwat al-‘Ulama religious reform movement in colonial India. The chapter takes a special interest in Mongiri’s views on the teaching of multiple languages at the inaugural seminary of the Nadwat al-‘Ulama movement. Through focusing Mongiri’s linguistic ideal, the chapter sheds light on several broad issues in the study of religion and South Asian Islam in particular. These include: i) the impact of colonialism on Indian Muslims; ii) debates over whether language is only a means of communication or if it is also inextricably linked with culture and might even serve as a medium for shaping one’s worldview, and; iii) tensions between Arabic (Islam’s “original” language) and local South Asian languages. While the focus of the chapter remains on Nadwat al-‘Ulama and Mongiri, I also shed light on the historical context in which Indian Muslims’ attitudes towards languages were being formed.
Many thanks to Dave Grace for his help in editing and proof-reading this chapter. I am also deeply grateful to Ahmed Rafique for help with the translation of some of the Urdu phrases and sentences quoted in this chapter.
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Notes
- 1.
Muhammad Qasim Zaman (1998) has written an article on a later Nadwa figure, Sayyid Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali Nadwi (b. 1914), and his views on Arabic.
- 2.
The primary source information about Mongiri and Nadwat al-‘Ulama that features in this chapter is drawn from official Nadwat al-‘Ulama sources and the writings of individuals associated with Nadwat al-‘Ulama. Frequently these are the only primary sources that document the historical and biographical details that are vital for this chapter. At the same time, it is important to acknowledge that Jamal Malik rightly notes that some of the Nadwa sources narrate Nadwa history in a manner that is not always entirely accurate. For example, they privilege the ulama’s role in the Nadwa’s establishing at the cost of crediting others (see Malik, 1994, 72 footnote 34). Thus, Malik’s work pushes us to consider that Nadwa sources should be treated with some degree of suspicion.
- 3.
Regarding Indian Muslims’ adoption of British culture, Holt, Lambton and Lewis write that “From the last decades of the nineteenth century, the Western style began to infiltrate systematically into the life of the English-educated Muslim aristocracy.” See Holt et al., 1977, 89.
- 4.
For a history of this movement, see Metcalf, 1982.
- 5.
As Jamal Malik notes, Mongiri’s critiques of the sub-par education offered at madrasas were reminiscent of colonial critiques wherein the British claimed that indigenous schools imparted “no mental training” (Malik, 1994, 78).
- 6.
This quote has been abridged and edited for clarity.
- 7.
This resolution is presented differently in Nadwi n.d, 308. In that work it reads as follows: To organize the plethora of Islamic madrasas, only a handful of renowned madrasas should be termed Dar ul-‘Ulums and the smaller madrasas should be affiliated with them.
- 8.
There is some debate over the authorship of the plan for Dar al-‘Ulum Nadwa. One source (Al-Hilal) states that the author was Shibli Nomani, who shared the plan with Mongiri and gave him permission to publish the plan in his, i.e. Mongiri’s, name. However, Mongiri’s biographer credits Mongiri himself for composing the detailed plan. While the authorship of the plan is disputed, there is no doubt that Shibli Nomani was a staunch advocate for the establishment of Dar al-‘Ulum Nadwa. See Hashmi, 1989, 124–5.
- 9.
Explaining this line of thought, Charles Grant (1746–1823) stated that “the establishment of seminaries and colleges in America was one of the most efficient causes of the loss of that country” (quoted in Rao, 2021, 50).
- 10.
The professional education of Indians within Britain began in the 1840s, with the second possibly being “Wazir beg, the son of a ‘Mohamedan Messman’ from Poona” who was trained and ordained as a Christian minister” (Lahiri, 2013, 3).
- 11.
However, there were tensions between the East India Company (EIC) and the missionaries. The EIC was initially opposed to missionary activities fearing that if the company supported the missionaries, Indians would become hostile to the British. While the aforementioned reason was articulated by the company, scholars have argued that the divide between the missionaries and the EIC was actually a result of infighting between different groups of the Protestant Church in England. See Rao, 2021, 58.
- 12.
A related argument is made by Gauri Viswanathan who argues that the colonizers used English literature to socialize Indians into British social values and to convince the natives of British superiority. See Viswanathan, 1987.
- 13.
Also see ibid., Chapter 5 for several other examples of Indian Muslims’ opposition to English.
- 14.
Also mentioned in Metcalf, 1982, 52.
- 15.
Also see Hashmi, 1989, 44 and 49.
- 16.
Mongiri’s biographer records that Mongiri’s efforts to counter missionary activities were based on a keen observation of missionary strategies. Mongiri recognized that Christians targeted their missionary efforts towards marginalized individuals who lacked financial means and social support. They induced conversion by providing these marginalized natives with financial, educational and other incentives. See al-Hasani, 1964, 40.
- 17.
At another point Mongiri wrote: “The situation has changed in this era. No one is interested in the objections that were raised in previous philosophical discourses; even the groups that raised those previous objections are no longer present. There is no need to learn those objections and responses to them. Now there is a new world; new sustenance; new water. Islam’s critics have raised new types of objections based on new philosophy. One cannot reply adequately to them by knowing older philosophy, despite what anyone might claim … A scholar … will not offer a convincing refutation unless he roots out that objection that is embedded in the objector’s heart, and those objections are in English which is why it is imperative to know English.” al-Hasani, 1964, 194. Mongiri was not alone at Nadwa in advocating English for “effective refutation of Western culture and religion” (Metcalf, 1982, 338). Several other Nadwa affiliates shared his appraisal. For example, Hali noted that one should study English to refute Christianity and European culture. See Metcalf, 1982, 338 fn. 53.
- 18.
Arabic instruction continued to thrive at Nadwa for decades after Mongiri’s initial plan. In fact, in 1932, the Nadwa began its own Arabic journal al-Diya. See Zaman, 2012 62.
- 19.
Zaman (1998, 64) makes the same point. Metcalf (1982, 337) also makes this broad point. Metcalf writes: “But some, at least, cultivated Arabic because of the prestige attached to the high tradition: they distinguished themselves from those involved in popular reform and deplored the vulgarization of religious learning brought about by the spread of Urdu – and the easy availability of printed books instead of copied manuscripts. They expected recognition for their elitist accomplishments. “Now even the rulers will respect us,” said one.”
- 20.
Mongiri himself was at Aligarh at the time to study with Lutf Ullah ‘Aligarhi.
- 21.
Shibli also noted the importance of learning Arabic and emphasized the significance of studying Arabic literature for reasons not mentioned by Mongiri. For example, Shibli noted that Europe had “emerged as an enlightened nation on the basis of the study of the Arabic language which contains extraordinary lessons on modern sciences.” He points out that madrasas do not focus enough on Arabic which is why the establishment of Dar al-‘Ulum Nadwa is necessary. See Kumar, 2017, 680.
- 22.
Jamal Malik offers a slightly different explanation of ‘aba using Platt’s dictionary. The definition from Platts reads, “a woollen cloak … usually of a block colour with stripes … worn by dervishes or faqirs.” Platts quoted in Malik 1982, 84.
- 23.
Many South Asian Muslims claim decent from Arabs conquerors and traders who facilitated the spread of Islam in the subcontinent.
- 24.
Khurshid Ahmad, Jama‘at-i Islami leader in Pakistan quoted in Rahman, 2011, 136.
- 25.
Also see Deoband’s official statement on this matter. Deoband’s website explains that at Deoband, students from across India and even foreign Muslims all gathered together to study. Since the language of instruction was Urdu, the students were proficient in Urdu by the time they graduated. Thus, Deoband played a key role in fostering Urdu amongst Muslims. See: https://www.darululoom-deoband.com/english/sys_of_edu/index2.htm
- 26.
Commenting on the Nadwa movement’s balance between Arabic and Urdu, Zaman writes, “The Nadwa’s emphasis on the Arabic language is thus not a way of disowning Urdu, which remains the primary language in which scholars of the Nadwa publish…” Zaman, 1999, 65.
- 27.
For Shibli Nomani and Urdu also see: Rahman, 2002, 218.
- 28.
Also see al-Hasani, 1964, 265.
- 29.
A little later in the Nadwa’s history, due to the efforts of Shibli Nomani, there were moves to add even more languages to the curriculum. These languages included Sanskrit, Hindi and Persian. See Kumar 2017, 679. Sanskrit and Hindi were introduced in 1908 with the aim of equipping students “to defend Islam from the criticism of Arya Samajis. But this addition proved transitory and could not be retained after the resignation of Mawlana Shibli from the Darul ‘Ulum Nadwatul ‘Ulama’.” Hashmi 1989, 137.
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Saif, M. (2023). Multilingualism and the Early Years of the Nadwat al-‘Ulama Movement: Navigating Linguistic Needs, Muslim Identity, and Colonial Pressures. In: Vestrucci, A. (eds) Beyond Babel: Religion and Linguistic Pluralism. Sophia Studies in Cross-cultural Philosophy of Traditions and Cultures, vol 43. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-42127-3_12
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