Abstract
With the development of the International System of Power Governance embodied in the myriad of international organizations such as United Nations on the onset of the Second World War, the strategic recourse to settling conflict of interests through war and military might has decreased considerably, as long as the five permanent members have sustained the system. Russia’s ongoing military presence in Ukraine and China–US collision course into Taiwan is the biggest challenge to the Pax Internationalis, but there is no reason to ignore that during the prolonged time of systemic peace among nations, power struggles never ceased but changed its nature, as Soft Power, or cultural might. Concurrent with the development of the above-mentioned legal-political system, there was the development of an international organization whose main objectives are the exchange and promotion of highly praised cultural and scientific achievements, and the protection of cultural heritage of peoples, the UNESCO. Despite the universalist ideal behind this institution, there is the general respect to the sovereignty of States, which works as a barrier to defining some cultural good as heritage contrary to the will of the ruling government. It is, nonetheless, a possibility to self-determination of what is locally considered to be of cultural value, in opposition to universalist hierarchy of values. This legal, international and bureaucratic structure is also an economic burden that may hinders poor states to apply to the list. For all the above said, in its essence, UNESCO’s World Heritage List is a public statement of success and cultural relevance of a country. Its analysis could unveil the state of Soft Power distribution among states, as the inclusion on the list is also a way of participating on the official and international list of tokens of cultural relevance. In this fashion and considering the possible confounding variables described above, this survey intends to use statistical tools to understand the state of affairs and power dynamics incorporated on the World Heritage List, without recurring to preconceived theories of distribution of power relations, as Marxism, Anticolonialism, Postmodernism, or others. Soft Power is a reference frame that has an ontology of power (Soft Power itself), but it does not ascertain a priori who are the owners of the power and their dynamics, so we use it in this research. Data itself shall guide the conclusions of the study, which may support a posteriori any theoretical perspective.
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Notes
- 1.
That, nonetheless, leaves open the question of what is the “real interest” hidden behind the “false interest”, the “false conscience”. In a way, this kind of analysis of real/false consciousness needs the presupposition, or theoretical imposition, of good and bad. Any conscience of something is felt as real, attuned to the interests and dear to the bearer. It is not pleasant to have a third party telling you what you should want or what are your real interests. Completely different is to consider what would make you wealthier, stronger, etc., objectives that could avoid the previous moral prejudices present in some theories.
- 2.
The relations among economic classes that structure the Capitalist system and its production of goods.
- 3.
As usual to many Marxists, Althusser’s quotes Gramsci to disregard even the distinction between public and private. On his words: “(…) as the conscious Marxist he was, Gramsci has already highlighted that the distinction between public and private is a distinction internal to Bourgeois Law, and valid on the areas (subordinated) where Bourgeois Law exerts its < powers > . The State is out of its reach, for it is < beyond the Law > : the State, which is the State of the ruling class, is not public or private, it is on the contrary the condition of all distinction between public and private. We can say the same thing about our State’s ideological apparatuses”. (translated by the author).
- 4.
Although the real States are usually a mess of different levels of regulations on different topics. Many countries, like Brazil, have national school directives defining what should be taught. Apart from clearly authoritarian theocracies, as Iran, some countries even have awkward regulations on religion, for example, Argentina is constitutionally a Catholic State (article 2nd of its Constitution).
- 5.
Bear in mind that countries need to apply themselves to the World Heritage List and that there are economic costs associated with applying and maintaining those sites, there could still be a difference in representation, especially among the poorest countries, in spite of there not being a rigged system.
- 6.
Guinea, Lesotho, North Macedonia, Moldova and Zambia.
- 7.
For matters of clarity, we labeled only those countries with higher number of heritage sites, which are set apart from the bulk countries near the origin on the graph.
- 8.
Mixed sites were too few for this graph.
- 9.
There could have a question regarding the choosing of the groups, as, apart from Egyptian Civilization, no other African civilization was considered. There are thousands of ethnicities, past and current, but only some civilizations technically complex enough to leave a considerable number of build structures—such as buildings, statues and artifacts—and sustain dense urban political centers. Those buildings are anchors of cultural and material sites recognized on the list. There is no judgement value or moral comparison to be taken out of the selection.
- 10.
“Area” has no date of information.
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Hazan, B. (2023). Spatial Disposition of UNESCO’s Cultural Heritage and Soft Power: A Survey on the Possibility of Reification of Power Discrepancies. In: Christofoletti, R. (eds) Soft Power and Heritage. The Latin American Studies Book Series. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41207-3_3
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