Abstract
Although U.S. officials came to see corruption as undermining the mission in Afghanistan, they failed to sufficiently appreciate or act on a crucial dimension of the problem: U.S. policies and practices incentivized graft and greatly contributed to the growth of corruption after 2001. Layers of contracting enriched the well-connected; weak oversight led to fraud and abuse; the volume of injected money was too much for Afghanistan’s small economy to absorb; and U.S. partnerships with corrupt, abusive actors perpetuated a culture of impunity that alienated the population. The U.S. strategy in Afghanistan for years relied on the survival of the Kabul government; Afghan leaders knew this, and that blunted whatever leverage Washington seemingly had over the political elite in Kabul. The United States repeatedly prioritized stability over justice, and in the end, got neither. U.S. policymakers should take several lessons from Afghanistan, to apply in similar contexts: strengthen U.S. oversight and accountability for civilian and military spending; calibrate levels of U.S. spending to not exceed a country’s absorptive capacity; invest in understanding the nature and scope of corruption; hold host country leaders accountable particularly for high-level corruption; prioritize anticorruption controls when developing the capacity of partner security forces; and invest long-term in civil society actors who are building social cohesion, transparency, and accountability within their political system.
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Notes
- 1.
Author’s conversation with Dipali Mukhopadhyay, Washington, DC, July 12, 2022.
- 2.
For example, during a November 2021 U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee hearing on lessons from Afghanistan, Ranking Member Senator James Risch (ID) remarked, “…the culture in Afghanistan was so different than the culture that we are used to dealing with... The corruption issue is a huge issue as you try to stand up a nation and move forward. If you cannot get a handle on that, if it is endemic in the culture, it is a problem” [35].
- 3.
This chapter draws on research conducted in mid-2022, using primary and secondary sources, including interviews with Afghans and Americans who participated in or are familiar with anticorruption efforts in the 2001–21 period. The analysis presented here is also informed by the author’s firsthand experience as a diplomat in Afghanistan in 2010–12; her work for the Office of the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, a U.S. independent oversight agency; and her research at the Center for a New American Security and the United States Institute of Peace. More broadly, the author has sought to contextualize her analysis of the Afghanistan case within the academic literature on corruption and anticorruption.
- 4.
This analysis draws from a conversation with a former State Department official, June 29, 2022.
- 5.
- 6.
Conversation with Fara Abbas, former Afghan government official, June 28, 2022.
- 7.
The Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) is a congressionally-mandated, independent U.S. government oversight agency tasked with preventing waste, fraud, and abuse in the U.S. reconstruction effort in Afghanistan. See www.sigar.mil for all SIGAR publications.
- 8.
The $16 billion in aid in 2010 was about 64 times the annual amount of humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan during the 1996–2001 Taliban regime [3].
- 9.
Conversation with U.S. Treasury Department official, Washington, DC, 2016.
- 10.
The author was the lead writer for this SIGAR report.
- 11.
The 2004 Afghan constitution barred anyone convicted of a crime against humanity from running for public office—a reflection of Afghan desire for justice and accountability for atrocity crimes. But no one had ever faced such charges, and there was no system to vet candidates based on allegations of human rights abuses. The alternative was to vet them for connections to illegal armed groups [14, p. 5].
- 12.
Voter turnout was about 39% in the 2009 and 2014 presidential elections [31, p. 24].
- 13.
See SIGAR’s 2016 report ‘Corruption in conflict’ for a thorough accounting of these U.S. and ISAF initiatives. In the interest of full disclosure, the author was senior analyst and leader writer for this report.
- 14.
At their peak in Afghanistan, U.S. military forces numbered roughly 100,000, with an additional 50,000 NATO and coalition forces in country.
- 15.
Conversation with a former Afghan staff member for donor agencies and civil society organizations, by Zoom, June 3, 2022; also conversation with Aref Dostyar, Scholar in Residence at the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, by Zoom, July 7, 2022.
- 16.
Conversation with Aref Dostyar, Scholar in Residence at the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies, by Zoom, July 7, 2022. The foregoing analysis in the text also draws on the author’s conversations with multiple former Afghan government officials in June and July 2022, as well as a series of unpublished papers that the U.S. Institute of Peace and the American Institute of Afghanistan Studies commissioned from young Afghan scholars, former officials, journalists, and activists, on the failure to reach a political settlement of the conflict.
- 17.
Conversation with a former Afghan staff member for donor agencies and civil society organizations, by Zoom, June 3, 2022.
- 18.
Conversation with Phil Raveling, former CIA senior intelligence officer, by Zoom, July 19, 2022.
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Bateman, C. (2023). A Problem We Fueled: Learning Lessons from Corruption in Afghanistan. In: Farhadi, A., Masys, A. (eds) The Great Power Competition Volume 4. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-22934-3_2
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