Abstract
The debate on governance refers to cases from the OECD world, with a focus on cooperation between the state, other public institutions, and different private actors. An extended perspective beyond the OECD world discloses the limitations of this debate. Local actors are much more diverse than usually assumed, and they follow their specific notions of order, which may contradict or compete with the basic principles of consolidated constitutional statehood. This challenges the given canon of governance modes of coordination between the actors. Thus, we need to consider cases of demarcation with a certain autonomy of different orders or open conflict between notions of order. Some local actors even claim to be a state on their own. The widened analytical perspective challenges the mainstream governance debate and paves the way for a more nuanced and extended analysis of governance and statehood. With an extension of the classical governance approach, we are able to show that it is not only viable for the complexity of modern states in the Global North, but can also be productively applied to countries of the Global South, each with their own complexity.
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Notes
- 1.
Mostly the term “nation state” is used. Even though the modern state often emerged as a real, or, more often, as an imagined nation state (Anderson, 2016), the existence of a nation is not a decisive criterion for a state. As Zartman (2020: 934) puts it: “A state is the authoritative political institution that is sovereign over a recognized territory and its inhabitants”. In some of our cases, the notion that the people feel like a “nation” might be disputed.
- 2.
For a conference report, see Hauser and Tiegna (2021).
- 3.
For further information on the research unit, see https://www.uni-wuerzburg.de/en/for2757/losam/
- 4.
Some first insights resulting from the LoSAM approach can be found in the volume by Krüger et al. (2022).
- 5.
A comprehensive overview of research on statehood is provided by Stawski (2022).
- 6.
Roy and Singh address indigenous movements according to the common legal Indian terminology as “tribal” movements.
- 7.
- 8.
In the cases discussed in this book, multilateral and national development organisations from the donor countries work formally with the host state but are not under strict control. The NGOs in all these countries enjoy considerable freedom. However, this is not always the case. Some countries maintain strict control over development organisations and NGOs (e.g. Vietnam, Rwanda).
- 9.
We use the term “neo-traditional authorities” because they legitimate themselves via tradition, but their role, position, and practice in the colonial period and after the independence underwent ongoing changes (on Africa, see Neubert (2019: 148–158). The chapter on Bangladesh is a good example of this change which is still ongoing.
- 10.
An “Islamic state” is a clerical state based on Islamic rule. This should not be equated with “ISIS”, the Islamic state in Syria and Iraq, even if some of the Islamic groups sympathise with ISIS.
- 11.
Economic Community Of West African States.
- 12.
These came after the finalisation of the Mali chapter.
- 13.
This is regarded as a self-explanatory term that needs no definition. We find it already in early publications, e.g. Ostrom (1990, especially chapter 6).
- 14.
The concept of “oligopoly of violence” refers to a similar situation, with different violent actors fighting against each other but none of them being able to control the others. In an oligopoly of violence, there is a fluid arrangement that creates a structured framework of zones of influence with a certain stability, until the power relations change (Mehler, 2004). This concept focuses simply on competing claims to power. The question of the different underlying orders, which marks the cases discussed here, is not mentioned.
- 15.
- 16.
On areas of regulation, see Pfeilschifter et al. (2020: 13).
- 17.
We do not add solidarity, which is observed in the Bolivian case, because solidarity refers there to the internal structure and cohesion of the groups and not to the respective interactions between actors.
- 18.
Instead of “interaction”, other studies use the term “articulation” (Koechlin & Förster, 2015). Especially with regard to violence, this seems inadequate.
- 19.
On the role of kinship and kinship associations in Libya, see Hüsken (2018).
- 20.
- 21.
- 22.
In the LoSAM research project, we differentiate between four kinds of relationships: contrary, complementary, subsidiary, substitutive (Pfeilschifter et al., 2020).
- 23.
- 24.
- 25.
- 26.
Rene Pfeilschifter shows that also in the ancient states there was no clear line between the state and non-state actors.
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Acknowledgements
Finally, we would like to thank all the authors of this volume for taking part in the workshop and their engagement and patience during the writing process. Additionally, we would like to thank all the participants at the LoSAM conference in 2021 for their lively discussions and helpful remarks. Furthermore, we would like to thank Marie Fenzl for carefully formatting the manuscripts and assisting with correspondence with the authors. For the thorough language correction of most of the manuscripts, we thank Ruth Schubert. Last but not least, we would like to thank our publisher Springer International for giving us the opportunity to present our research for discussion.
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Neubert, D., Lauth, HJ., Mohamad-Klotzbach, C. (2022). Local Self-governance and Varieties of Statehood: Reflections on Tensions and Cooperation. In: Neubert, D., Lauth, HJ., Mohamad-Klotzbach, C. (eds) Local Self-Governance and Varieties of Statehood. Contributions to Political Science. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14996-2_1
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