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Floating Charisma: Leaderships, Denominations, and Materialities in Argentine Chaco Indigenous Churches

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Indigenous Churches

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Abstract

The chapter analyzes denominational diversity in the Argentine Chaco Indigenous religious field from a symbolic economy of charism. In doing so, I deepen a line of inquiry about charism as a cultural phenomenon, observing the historical and contemporary configurations of leadership in the Indigenous churches, the state institutional regulations, and the materialities that cross the sense of belonging like the mobilities between different Christian denominations. Three axes structure the argument. The first inquires at the foundational split of Evangelio versus Catholics, a key opposition in the historical formation of Chaco Indigenous Evangelical churches during the fifties and sixties, in a social environment with strong Protestant missionary presence and of new national political ideology. The second addresses the Indigenous Evangelical field, focusing on the production of denominational diversity from emerging leaderships, missionary mediations, and state regulations. The final axis focuses on the ways in which leaderships and materialities merge in the charismatic effect of “having a church,” where social, family, and political plots intersect. Along with this, the discussion leads us to consider the limits of religious and denominational identifications among the Toba/Qom and Wichí, observing sinking dynamics of institutional charism of the churches and their leaders.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The Argentine Gran Chaco is located in the central and eastern north of the country in an area of approximately 300,000 km2, between the Pilcomayo, Salado del Norte, Paraná, Paraguay, and Bermejo rivers.

  2. 2.

    In the current ethnic configuration of the Chaco territory, the Toba-Qom represent the majority group, with 126,967 members according to the 2010 Population Census (being the second largest group after the Mapuche), followed by the Wichí who amount to 50,419, then the Mocoví who account for 22,439, and finally the Pilagá with 5137 registered.

  3. 3.

    I refer to a long-standing area of anthropological studies on the process of socio-religious change among Chaco Indigenous peoples and its symbolic, ontological, sociological, and political concomitants (cf. Métraux 1933, Reyburn 1954; Cordeu and Siffredi 1971; Miller 1970, 1971, 1979; Wright 1983, 2002, 2008; Ceriani Cernadas and Citro 2005; Citro 2002, 2009; Ceriani Cernadas 2011a, 2014; Ceriani Cernadas and López 2017; Altman 2012, López and Altman 2012).

  4. 4.

    Between 2000 and 2007, I conducted ethnographic fieldwork among the Toba/Qom of Colonia Aborigen La Primavera (La Primavera Indian Reserve) and, to a lesser extent, other localities in the province of Formosa (Tacaaglé, Clorinda, and Bartolomé de las Casas). Its main purpose was inquiring the social relations, leadership organization, and religious practices of Mormon Church members (officially Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints), as well as the network of relationships with mainstream Evangelical denominations (Ceriani Cernadas 2005, 2008a, b).

  5. 5.

    Between 2009 and 2017, I carried out research on the historical relations between Norwegian and Indigenous missionaries and the contemporary situation of the native churches institutionalized in 1947 as MEAD (Ceriani Cernadas 2011b; Ceriani Cernadas and Lavazza 2013).

  6. 6.

    I will use real names and surnames for the deceased and fictitious names for the living, in order to protect their identity.

  7. 7.

    This Indigenous reserve was created by the Argentine Government in 1911 in the centre of the National Territory of Formosa with the aim of settling the Toba/Qom and Pilagá populations of the area and also to provide labor for the railway line. In 1942, a church and a school run by the Franciscans were installed, who, together with the state administrators, actually ran the reserve. This double bond made the reserve a particularly conflictive place during the origins of the Evangelical Toba movement.

  8. 8.

    Article 2 of the National Constitution of 1853, still in force after the reform of 1994, declares “the support of the Apostolic and Roman Catholic worship by the federal government,” together with its character of “legal person of public character,” unlike any other religious organization that Argentine jurisprudence defines as “legal person of private character.”

  9. 9.

    The term “criollo” refers to the local population of the Argentine provinces. In addition, from the point of view of the Indigenous peoples of the Gran Chaco, the category designates the “white” Argentine population as opposed to foreigners, who are generally known as “gringos.”

  10. 10.

    On the impact of this state policy during the 1970s on other Indigenous churches in the lowlands of Northern Argentina, see Mariana Espinosa’s chapter in this volume.

  11. 11.

    The pioneer case in this history is that of the Toba/Qom chief Pedro Martínez of Pampa del Indio (Chaco), who traveled to Buenos Aires in 1947 to request land titles from President Perón, which he did successfully. He also became involved with the Iglesia de Dios Pentecostal (Pentecostal Church of God), led by the Italian-Argentine pastor Marcos Mazzuco in the working-class neighborhood of Isla Maciel, from which he obtained a permit (or Fichero). Once he returned to the Chaco, Martínez, together with evangelist Juan Fernández, began a progressive diffusion, achieving a wide growth of branches in the 1950s (Reyburn 1954). His link to the Peronist movement, Elmer Miller (1979, 139–140) asserted in his classic study of Toba Pentecostalism, was a positive feedback factor in the growth of this denomination among the Toba/Qom of Chaco province and southern Formosa.

  12. 12.

    For a systematic analysis of the Mennonite mission experience among the Toba/Qom of the Chaco, see Altman (2017).

  13. 13.

    This booklet of 10/12 pages was created with the objective of constituting a channel of communication of the native churches of Chaco and Formosa, where biblical extracts were commented in a theological key of inculturation and news of the churches of the territory were reported. The original purpose of the publication was to establish the idea of an Evangelical community that would achieve an interweaving of ethnicity (Toba/Qom), religion (Pentecostalism), and denomination (IEU).

  14. 14.

    Located 50 km from Misión Tacaaglé, Colonia La Primavera arose from the settlement of the Emmanuel Evangelical Mission in the mid-1930s (Wright 2008).

  15. 15.

    The Instituto de Comunidades Aborígenes (ICA) (Institute of Aboriginal Communities) of Formosa is the local institution on indigenous affairs created in 1985.

  16. 16.

    Women’s leadership as pastors of congregations is certainly a minority phenomenon in the Indigenous churches of Chaco. However, their presence as co-pastors of their pastor husbands (a family unit typical of Pentecostalism) is becoming increasingly relevant (Altman 2017; Contini 2021).

  17. 17.

    On his life trajectory, see Ceriani Cernadas (2008a).

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Ceriani Cernadas, C. (2022). Floating Charisma: Leaderships, Denominations, and Materialities in Argentine Chaco Indigenous Churches. In: Capredon, É., Ceriani Cernadas, C., Opas, M. (eds) Indigenous Churches. Contemporary Anthropology of Religion. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14494-3_2

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