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Turn-of-the-Century Buenos Aires: A Capital of Queer Spectacles

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Literary Capitals in the Long Nineteenth Century

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Abstract

In turn-of-the-century Buenos Aires, a series of literary works written by members of high society depicted a range of minority subjects as sexually ‘deviant’. This queered literary mapping took place in the portrayals of private and public spaces of the city in the context of modernisation and changes in the nation’s demographic composition. The arrival of transatlantic immigrants generated a nativist drive to protect intimate milieus from an impending sense of being invaded by a foreign presence. Aristocratic space was fictionalised as besieged territory. While most critics of fin-de-siècle Argentine literature focus on the discursive analysis of the trope of degeneration, this chapter proposes a spatial analysis of ‘deviance’ that shows how urban architecture became a cultural laboratory for exploring issues of race, gender, sexuality and social status. I argue that the literary making of heteronormative space depended on the queering of ‘outsider’ figures, particularly regarding stereotypical portrayals of European immigrants, especially Spaniards, Italians and Jews. Four texts are considered: La Bolsa (The Stock Market, 1891) by Julián Martel, En la sangre (In the Blood, 1887) by Eugenio Cambaceres, ‘De cepa criolla’ (Criollo Lineage, 1884) by Miguel Cané and ‘Buenos Aires tenebroso: ladrones vestidos de mujer’ (Gothic Buenos Aires: Thieves Dressed like Women, 1912) by Juan José de Soiza Reilly.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This research was supported by a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada postdoctoral award and a research assistantship grant from the Department of Spanish and Portuguese at the University of Toronto. My special thanks to Arunima Bhattacharya, Richard Hibbitt and Laura Scuriatti for their insightful comments and suggestions on the first drafts of this chapter. Susan Antebi, Bob Davidson, Alejandra Uslenghi, Nathalie Bouzaglo, Daniel Balderston and Patricio Simonetto have also provided invaluable feedback to improve this work. Many thanks to my research assistant Christina Wing Gi Tse for her vital contribution to this project. For a recent study of how turn-of-the-century Latin American intellectuals engaged with the world dynamics of economic modernisation, see Beckman (2013).

  2. 2.

    I use the term ‘criollo’ to designate the hegemonic groups that inherited colonial power. Ute Seydel develops the historical conditions for the consolidation of this identity: ‘The group that presented itself in Latin America and the Caribbean as hegemonic was that of the criollos. Although mestizos and indigenous peoples also participated in the first independence movement in the viceroyalty of New Spain, which was led by the priest Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, the social group that finally managed to achieve independence was that of the criollos led by Agustín de Iturbide; that is, both in the New Spanish viceroyalty and in the other Spanish and Portuguese colonies in Latin America and the Caribbean, the criollos managed to articulate a political project of self-determination before the colonial authorities. Thus, they put an end to the colonial regime and aspired to occupy the positions previously occupied by the peninsulars’ (2009, 191). All translations from Spanish into English are mine, unless otherwise indicated.

  3. 3.

    Patricio Simonetto (2017) has studied the making of homosexual space in the second half of the twentieth century in Argentina (1950–1983). He examined, among other topics, the modes of relationality of homosexual subcultures with other minority groups, resistance practices against police control and the tactics of homosexual visibility.

  4. 4.

    In 1910, the literary critic and politician Roberto Giusti, born in Italy in 1887 and resident of Buenos Aires from 1895 until his death in 1978, published an article in the Argentine journal Nosotros (Us) making a case against the racism of the ‘criollo’ nationalist Congressmen, who declared that ‘los elementos de corrupción y desorden son aquí todos extranjeros’ (the elements of corruption and disorder here are all foreign) (cited in Viñas 1996, 61).

  5. 5.

    For a queer history of architecture, see Betsky (1997) and Preciado (2017); for a study of the persecution of ‘deviant populations’, see ‘Thinking Sex’ in Rubin (2012).

  6. 6.

    Nouzeilles notes that Argentine positivist doctors and intellectuals ‘had access, in the original language, to the most popular heredity theorists in Europe and in France in particular; for example, Darwin, Spencer, Lucas, Morel, Ribot, Le Bon, Moreau de Tours, Letourneau, Griesinger, etc’ (1994, 78).

  7. 7.

    In LGBTQ studies, the use of the term ‘trans*’ indicates a set of identifications, knowledges and sexo-gender-dissident practices that define trans* as a sign of new political imaginaries and bodies historically disputed in the sciences of the state. The use of the asterisk is borrowed from the inaugural edition of the Transgender Studies Quarterly, in which Avery Tompkins described the role of the asterisk in opening the terms ‘transgender’ and ‘trans’ to a greater range of meanings (2004, 26). The trans* thus refers to an unstable condition of bodily and semiotic boundaries and to a range of indeterminate potentials that blur the established binaries for a hetero-colonial reason.

  8. 8.

    For a study of gaucho-themed pulp fiction publications, see Laera (2004) and Adamovsky (2019).

  9. 9.

    ‘Plebeian sexualities’, as Pablo Ben calls non-normative sexual practices, had their place in various publications for mass consumption that can be accessed in the Ibero-American Institute of Berlin. However, it is necessary to clarify that allusions to homosexuality also circulated orally among the working classes. See Ben (2007).

  10. 10.

    ‘Transvestite’ is a term coined by the German sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld. He used it in 1910 to describe ‘the erotic urge for disguise’. This is how he understood the motivation that led some people to wear clothes generally associated with a different gender than the one assigned to them at birth. For Hirschfeld, ‘transvestites’ were ‘sexual intermediaries’, including homosexuals and hermaphrodites. According to Susan Stryker, initially this term was used in much the same way as the identity category ‘transgender’ is used today: ‘to convey the sense of a wide range of gender-variant identities and behaviors’ (2008, 16).

  11. 11.

    The existence of a homosexual/gay literary tradition of self-representation and self-discovery in Latin American literature begins to take shape later in the twentieth century, starting in the 1960s and gaining cultural visibility in the 1980s. For an in-depth analysis of the trajectory of gay writing in the region, see Balderston (2006).

  12. 12.

    The police record identified La Princesa de Borbón as Luis Fernández, the name adjudicated to her at birth. It is with this masculine name that she appears in Soiza Reilly’s article. In this chapter, I use the feminine pronoun because that is the name that la Princesa chose to affirm her non-normative gender and sexual identity. La Princesa surprises for her ability to capture the clinical and cultural imagination of the turn of the century. She appears in the gallery of ‘infamous figures’ in criminology studies (Veyga 1903) as well as in police chronicles (Soiza Reilly 1912). In 1914, her name was brought to the theatre by José González Castillo in his play Los invertidos.

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Halaburda, C.G. (2023). Turn-of-the-Century Buenos Aires: A Capital of Queer Spectacles. In: Bhattacharya, A., Hibbitt, R., Scuriatti, L. (eds) Literary Capitals in the Long Nineteenth Century. Literary Urban Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13060-1_4

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