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(De)institutionalising Agroecology: A Historical-Relational-Interactive Perspective on the Evolution of Brazil’s Agri-Environmental State

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Agriculture, Environment and Development

Abstract

A key debate in the literature on the agroecology movement relates to the role of the state in promoting—or institutionalising—agroecology. On one hand, state actions are seen as necessary to enforce rules that minimise negative agri-environmental externalities, incentivise agroecological production, and support farmers during agroecological transitions. On the other, social movements and scholars articulate concerns over the potential co-optation of transformative approaches to agroecology by political and economic elites, as well as the risks associated with losing movement power (demobilisation) once policy gains are made. We investigate this tension in Brazil, where decades of social movement and civil society advocacy led to the institutionalisation of agroecology-related programming and policy, particularly under the 2003–2010 administration of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (“Lula”). However, subsequent government administrations have begun to systematically dismantle this institutional infrastructure. Drawing on Schiavoni's HRI framework and literature on the environmental state, we assess how historical processes, paradigms, and key actors have contributed to the institutionalisation and de-institutionalisation of agroecology in the Brazilian context.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Two of the 12 captains were each awarded two captaincies, leading to this discrepancy between the number of captains (12) and captaincies (14) (Johnson 1987).

  2. 2.

    Note that the current PTB has no relationship to the PTB referenced here, which collapsed during the 1964 military coup.

  3. 3.

    Many of these farmers and others would go on to organise occupations of large and unused landed estates, eventually forming the Landless Workers’ Movement (the MST).

  4. 4.

    For example, see Keck (1995) for an overview of the alliance between rubber tappers, CONTAG, and the fledgling Workers’ Party (PT).

  5. 5.

    The MAB has been active since the 1970s but was institutionalised in 1991.

  6. 6.

    CONSEA was originally founded in April 1993 (Franco administration) through Decree 807; however, it was cut in 1995 (Cardoso administration) and only re-created in 2003 with the Lula administration (see Grisa and Schneider 2015).

  7. 7.

    PNAE has been around since the 1950s, but was modified in 2009 by Law 11.947 to include specific support to local family farmers.

  8. 8.

    As multiple sources note, the “corporatized” media particularly singled out the PT for blame in Operation Car Wash, despite virtually every political party and numerous prominent politicians being implicated (Saad-Filho 2015; Braga and Purdy 2019).

  9. 9.

    Operation Car Wash was a corruption scandal that involved construction executives defrauding and laundering money through the state-owned oil company Petrobras, and bribing public officials and Petrobras executives (Andrade 2019; Saad-Filho 2015).

  10. 10.

    For a comprehensive review of the policy rollback during this time, see Leite et al. (2018) and Sabourin et al. (2020a, b).

  11. 11.

    MDA was extinguished and its programmes were ultimately downgraded via a transfer to a Secretariat, the Special Secretariat for Family Agriculture and Agrarian Development (Sabourin et al. 2020a, b).

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James, D., Cazella, A.A., Bowness, E., Magnanti, N.J., Wittman, H. (2022). (De)institutionalising Agroecology: A Historical-Relational-Interactive Perspective on the Evolution of Brazil’s Agri-Environmental State. In: Ioris, A.A.R., Mançano Fernandes, B. (eds) Agriculture, Environment and Development. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10264-6_14

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