Abstract
Central American migrant caravans traveling through Mexico to the United States represent unique events to scrutinize the complexity behind the concept of crisis, in particular when this idea is associated with migration phenomena of such magnitude. Caravans bring together elements that involve various ways of interpreting the notion of “crisis.” The caravans came about as the result of circumstantial events, yet embedded in deep structural roots. Some of the factors at play to speak about migration crisis include the sheer magnitude of the caravans’ collective organizing, the events’ impact on the public sphere, the attention they gathered at the highest level of government both in Mexico and the United States, and the reactions from some civil society sectors and the Mexican authorities to the caravans passing through the country. When caravans are labeled or considered as “migration crisis” the link between the two terms is assumed as intrinsic. To examine such assumption, several texts from academic sources are discussed in this chapter. The literature under review shows that a critical questioning of the purportedly innateness usually attributed to such connection remains unconvincing, in need of further elaboration, and most importantly, critical appraisal.
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Notes
- 1.
Rojas and Winton imply, without openly and fully developing the argument, that crisis is the sum of precariousness, instability, uncertainty, and insecurity faced by people within the political system. They explore
[…] the notion of crisis in relation to mobility and particularly displacement, not in terms of how a ‘crisis’ is discursively constructed and materially enacted as migration and border policy, but rather looking at the complex experiences of those caught up in this damaging geopolitical game (mobility is both a political and personal problem when it is associated with marginality)” (Rojas & Winton, 2019, pp. 9–10).
- 2.
There is a vast debate on the concept of narrative - among others in hermeneutical philosophy, in literary criticism, in cultural studies - which is impossible to discuss here due to the lack of space and because it is not part of the central purpose of this work. I instrumentally adopt two complementary ideas regarding this term: narrative is a “consciousness mode” that shapes and informs what we know about ourselves (Rankin, 2002), who adopts Mikhail Bakhtin’s premises (Rankin, 2002). For Bruner (1991, p. 13): “[…] narrative ‘truth’ is judged by its verisimilitude rather than its verifiability […]”, which Brunner calls “referentiality”. According to Brunner, other features come into play in the process of creating reality through narrative, among them intentionality, cultural legitimacy of narrative, its adherence to specific norms or the context in which the narrative is produced (Bruner, 1991, pp. 7, 15, 16–17). Purportedly, narrative “[…] rather than referring to ‘reality’ may in fact create it or constitute it […]” (Bruner, 1991, p. 13) It is in this latter sense I refer to crisis as manufactured from (narrated) “discursiveness”.
- 3.
Mr. Trump’s tweet containing said statement is as follows: “Many Gang Members and some very bad people are mixed into the Caravan heading to our Southern Border. Please go back, you will not be admitted into the United States unless you go through the legal process. This is an invasion of our Country, and our Military is waiting for you! (Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) October 29, 2018). Access to the former president’s account was suspended later, but numerous secondary sources highlighted the statement (See Reuters, 2018).
- 4.
Donald Trump sent about 2000 National Guard enlistees to support CBP in April 2018 (Operation Guard Support); six months later, he increased the number of military personnel to 7000 troops. Initially, this maneuver was known as Operation Faithful Patriot, but that name was discarded. (US Department of Defense News, April 7, 2018 & US Deparment of Defense News, October 26, 2018; US Army North, 2018)
- 5.
Policy in which “certain” people that can allegedly introduce a communicable disease and represent a threat to US public health are expelled from a port of entry at the border with Mexico, or Canada.
- 6.
Mexican authorities never officially accepted to agree on this policy. A safe third country is a “state that has ratified the Geneva Convention of 1951, in which there are sufficient guarantees for human rights and the principle of non-refoulement and where the asylum seeker has been before arriving to the host country” (Comisión de Ayuda a Refugiados en Euskadi, n.d.). The MPPs, announced in December 2018, came into effect in January 2019. This policy established that asylum seekers arriving at a port of entry in the US-Mexico border would be returned to Mexico and wait until they be called before an immigration judge for their request to be heard. Between 60 and 80 thousand people (depending on the source) were stranded in border cities such as Tijuana, Ciudad Juárez, and Matamoros due to this directive. The government of President Joe Biden repealed the MPPs in February 2021.
- 7.
I have already mentioned several actions implemented by Mr. Trump to deter caravans from reaching the US-Mexico border. In a parallel development, the Mexican government has sent troops to the border with Guatemala at various times, with the explicit intention of halting caravans. For example, in June 2019 and January 2020 the Mexican National Guard was deployed at a port of entry on the Mexico-Guatemala border in the state of Chiapas. On the first occasion, the GN dispatch resulted from the threat made by the Trump administration to its Mexican counterpart concerning the announcement of an increase in tariffs on Mexican products if the caravans were not stopped. On the second occasion, the GN staged confrontations with the migrants. Migrants continued to arrive to the border with the United States, which casts doubts on the success of the restrictive and containment measures (International Organization for Migration, 2020).
- 8.
I use pseudonyms to preserve participants’ anonymity.
- 9.
Continuous mobilizations took place at different moments over several weeks and within relatively short spans of time. The term mini-caravans resembles what Coraza and Pérez (2020) call caravan blocks. These authors describe two blocks during the period October 2018–January 2019: The first one from October to November 2018 and another one between January and February 2019 (Coraza & Pérez, 2020); they also offer a description of caravans that developed between January 2019 and the first months of 2020, including their similarities and differences.
- 10.
The point of departure is an important criterion in caravan-related research since earlier versions of these events took place since 2011, at least (Vargas, 2018), within Mexico; so called Central-American caravans took place as of 2018, yet at a later date other events originated in Tapachula in 2019, that included a more diversified population (see Coraza & Pérez, 2020).
- 11.
For example, Schaffhauser & Inocente (2021), citing estimates from Ciudad Hidalgo’s authorities, state that on October 19 more than 5000 people gathered at Tecún Umán (Guatemala)-Ciudad Hidalgo border entry. By October 21, according to the same source, the number of Central Americans who entered Mexico approximated 7000 (Schaffhauser & Inocente, 2021). A Honduran newspaper claimed that as part of the January 2019 caravan some 2800 people entered Mexico in the 17th and 18th of January (Mejía, 2019). It is important to consider that during the passage of all caravans, some of its members abandoned them, others voluntarily left Mexico, others broke off from the main caravan to continue in smaller groups and others decided to temporarily settle at different points along the route. As the number of caravan members always fluctuated it is impossible to determine exact figures.
- 12.
Donald Trump appealed to moral panic when he branded Central American caravans as an invasion to the United States. A high percentage of the US population supported this vision at the time because: “Popular cultural perceptions may align or conflict with state-political constructions of (non-) crisis. It is often hard to discern to what extent politicians are following or trying to shape public opinion in talking about crisis, particularly concerning political references to an ‘immigration crisis’.” (Lindley, 2014, p. 6).
- 13.
According to results in a Displacement Tracking Matrix (DTM), a monitoring instrument by the International Organization for Migration, in late January an estimate of about 5000 members of the caravan had reached the Mexico-Guatemala border (International Organization for Migration, 2019). Migrants were allowed to enter Mexico at this time only, in a lawful manner, when the government issued them visitor cards for humanitarian reasons. Therefore, overcrowding problems developed.
- 14.
It is not my intention to cover a growing field of literature, a reflection of an ongoing social process; I am simply pointing out aspects that draw attention to a portion of literature concerning the notion, explicit or implicit, of migration crisis, whether it is defined as such or not.
- 15.
In their original manuscript, the authors insert a note to quote Michel Balat; diapatia can be defined as a conflicting emotion between desire to be surrounded by loved ones while at the same time the desire to be alone.
- 16.
Schaffhauser & Inocente quote Helena Bejár’s El mal samaritano. El altruismo en tiempos del escepticismo, Anagrama (2001) in the original manuscript.
- 17.
For a discussion that presents yet another perspective on the migration crisis considering the “border crisis” as a starting point, see Heyman et al. (2018). In summary, Heyman and his colleagues argue that the term crisis is differentiated according to the social stakeholder who uses such term. For some sectors, the crisis resides in the need to help migrant children and families as an act of solidarity, while for other sectors, the crisis stems from the alleged presence of gang members and people carrying diseases arriving at the US-Mexican border. It is a speech that feeds a vicious circle: “The ‘border as crisis’ discourse was reinforced by the U.S. public awareness (in a displaced and confused way) of governmental and criminal violence in Mexico. Overall, contention promotes attention, thus promoting a crisis discourse, and in turn, a crisis discourse raises the level of excitement and engagement in contention” (Heyman et al., 2018, p. 774).
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Arriola Vega, L.A. (2022). “Migration Crisis” and Migrant Caravans (October 2018–January 2019) in Mexico: An Analysis from Contemporary Academic Publications. In: Coraza de los Santos, E., Arriola Vega, L.A. (eds) Crises and Migration. Latin American Societies. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-07059-4_3
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