Abstract
This chapter provides a systematic overview of the political actors, institutions, and dynamics of the Philippine political system and summarizes its history and recent developments. Despite the 30 years of democratic politics following the People’s Power Revolution in 1986, the political system of the Philippines remains a highly defective democracy. There are regular and strongly contested elections, and parties are free to organize and campaign for votes. There is a vibrant civil society, a pluralist media, and decentralization reforms that have brought the government closer to the people. However, human rights violations are widespread and have further increased in recent years. Nevertheless, the relevant political elites and social actors seem to accept the democratic institutions as the only game in town. Even the military, despite not being completely under civilian control, seems to have made its peace with democracy. Yet two caveats are in order: First, major political players, including President Duterte (2016–2022), have an electoralist rather than liberal understanding of what constitutes democracy. Secondly, elite support for democracy appears to be rooted, at least to some extent, in the fact that the post-Marcos democratic order has been essential for the preservation of elite control over the political process and its outcomes. This is manifested in the lack of political support for constitutional reforms, which would eliminate the presidential term limit or introduce a shift from presidentialism to a parliamentary system of government. Nonetheless, divisive politics, ongoing insurgencies, and the rise of an autocratic strongman such as Duterte reflect the fragility and weakness of Philippine democracy in successfully tackling problems relating to social, economic, and political inequality, both between social classes and between ethnic groups. In fact, vast segments of the population remain barred from equal access to economic opportunities and life chances in general.
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Notes
- 1.
An encomienda consisted of a grant by the Spanish crown to a (European) person of a specified number of locals living in a particular area from which the holder of that grant could exact tribute (e.g., in labor). The encomendaro, in turn, was required to protect the local population and instruct them in the Catholic faith.
- 2.
Technically, the constitution of the pro-Japanese Second Republic suspended the 1935 Constitution between 1943 and 1945.
- 3.
Despite this constitutional provision, political dynasties are not defined by law.
- 4.
Technically, there is a difference between amendment and revision. Revision broadly implies a change that alters a basic principle in the constitution, i.e., the system of checks and balances. Amendment broadly refers to a change that adds, reduces, or deletes without altering the basic principle involved. A revision under the people’s initiative is not possible.
- 5.
For example, in the 18th Congress, the appropriations committee of the House of Representatives had 126members (43 percent of total members; Congress of the Philippines, 2022).
- 6.
The ARMM included the five provinces of Basilan, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi. Following two successful plebiscites, which approved the Bangsamoro Organic Law, it was replaced by the BARMM in 2019.
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Croissant, A. (2022). Philippines: People’s Power and Defective Elite Democracy. In: Comparative Politics of Southeast Asia. Springer Texts in Political Science and International Relations. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05114-2_8
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