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“Let Them Flee to Sweden: There, Everyone Looks at Them More Politely”: Gay Propaganda and LGBT Rights in the Baltic States

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Information Wars in the Baltic States

Abstract

This chapter outlines how the concept of “gay propaganda” can be understood in terms of the often-fierce debates over same-sex partnership legislation, same-sex families, hate crimes laws, and LGBT visibility in the three Baltic states: Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. It looks to local media stories about LGBT issues—how they are covered, what sources they pull from, and the people they quote—to provide a nuanced view of how the populations of the three countries understand or react to the demand for LGBT rights, particularly in relation to their own senses of national identity, belonging, and tradition. It further considers LGBT NGOs and activist groups in the three nations and how they view and respond to the political and social homophobia with which they contend daily. Finally, the chapter examines the role that external political and religious actors—from the Russian Federation as well as countries of the European Union—play in influencing local discourses on gender and sexuality, primarily spread through social media propaganda campaigns and organized protests against LGBT rights.

“Пусть бегут в Швецию. Там все-все на них смотрят более вежливо.” This infamous phrase, as discussed later in the chapter, comes from a Deutsche Welle interview (in Russian) with Mart Helme, the leader of the far-right party EKRE (Eesti Konservatiivne Rahvaerakond/Conservative People’s Party of Estonia) (Eggert, 2020, October 15).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Janša is a controversial figure in Slovenia. He has been accused of using similar tactics as Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, including attempts to take control of state-run media, cracking down on outlets that are critical of his government, and smearing the reputations of his critics. Janša has claimed that he is rebalancing the media from a more left-wing slant, while large amounts of money have been funneled into the country from Hungary to create new media outlets that are supportive of Janša and friendly to the politics and influence of Orbán’s government. See: Boffey (2021, July 4), International Press Institute (2021, June 30), Cvetkovska, Zöldi, and Delić, (2020, February 28).

  2. 2.

    While the official name of LGL is Asociacija Lietuvos gėjų lyga, referring only to the transliteration of the term “gay,” the organization also includes the following subtitle on their website: “Nacionalinė LGBT teisių organizacija (National LGBT Rights Organisation).” See: LGL, https://www.lgl.lt

  3. 3.

    The three Baltic states consistently rank high in terms of press freedom, with Estonia ranking number 15, Latvia number 22, and Lithuania at number 28 on Reporters without Borders 2021 World Press Freedom index. This compares to major Western European nations like the UK at 33 and France at 34, with the United States ranked 44. However, the Index’s reports on the Baltic states outline increasing tensions between public media and government, which, as I describe in my analysis of Estonia, has been characterized by the far right accusing ERR and other outlets of being biased against conservative opinions. See: “2021 World Press Freedom Index,” Reporters without Borders, https://rsf.org/en/ranking

  4. 4.

    The impact of queer theory in the cultural sectors of the Baltic states is the basis for the author’s postdoctoral research beginning in autumn 2022. For further insight on how “queer” and queer theory have been taken up in the cultural sectors of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, see: Glenn (2020, pp. 22–44).

  5. 5.

    Marriage is defined as between a man and a woman in articles 3.12 and 3.229 of the Civil Code of the Republic of Lithuania. When these articles were promulgated is unclear—the Civil Code as provided online does not provide a listing of when specific articles were added to the Code. See: “VIII-1864 Lietuvos Respublikos Civilinio Kodekso Patvirtinimo, Įsigaliojimo Ir Įgyvendinimo Įstatymas,” https://e-seimas.lrs.lt/portal/legalAct/lt/TAD/TAIS.107687

  6. 6.

    The debates over non-discrimination legislation coincided with rancorous debates over the second Riga Pride march in July 2006, which became notorious for counter-protestors throwing eggs and feces at attendees of a church service held in Old Riga. See: Celms (2006, June 28), Morton (2006, July 26).

  7. 7.

    In his analysis of the links between the European far right and the Kremlin, Anton Shekhovtsov notes that many of the anti-gay groups and organizations are tacitly connected via financing from both American evangelicals and the Russian government, though a full accounting of these financial ties is not provided. See: Shekhovtsov (2018, pp. 89–90, p. 195).

  8. 8.

    The European Commission’s 2019 report on Racism and Intolerance notes that both racist and homophobic hate crimes often go unreported in the country, and that when they are reported they are often not differentiated from other violent, hate-motivated crimes (See European Commission, 2019b).

  9. 9.

    LGBT House receives funding from the Latvian Ministry of Culture through its Society Integration Fund (See LGBT House, n.d.).

  10. 10.

    Notably, controversial former mayor of Riga and current MEP Nils Ušakovs (Harmony/Party of European Socialists) joined the Intergroup as the first member to represent Latvia in November 2020, despite the spotty track record of his party regarding LGBT rights in Latvia (See LSM, 2020c).

  11. 11.

    EKRE member and MEP Jaak Madison has referred to the need for a “final solution” in response to migration in Europe, using the German phrase popularized by Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Party in the late 1930s. Current EKRE leader Martin Helme and his father, former leader Mart Helme, were seen flashing white supremacist hand gestures when being sworn into office as part of the former coalition government, while Member of the Riigikoku Ruuben Kaalep was also photographed doing a similar gesture with head of the French far-right party Rassemblement National, Marine Le Pen, during her May 2019 visit to Tallinn. See: Tambur (2019, August 2), Karasz (2019, May 1), Kolga (2019, May 15).

  12. 12.

    In an open letter in January 2020, Põlluaas claimed that the opposition parties who were trying to stop the marriage referendum were acting like Russian troll farms, releasing disinformation about EKRE (See Pōlluaas, 2021, January 6; Madison, 2020, September 30).

  13. 13.

    Whether Kiselyev runs RT, or the similarly named Rossiya Segodniya, has been called into question by the Russian government. RT stands for Russia Today, a direct translation of Rossiya Segodniya. However, as an investigative piece by LRT has pointed out, Kiselyev owns the rights to the name, and thus indirectly profits from RT’s presence in other nations (See Bakaitė, 2020).

  14. 14.

    Re:Baltica consists of a group of investigative journalists who produce in-depth stories examining Russian propaganda and the narratives they present. See: “About Us,” Re:Baltica, https://en.rebaltica.lv/about-us/

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Correspondence to Clinton Glenn .

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Glenn, C. (2022). “Let Them Flee to Sweden: There, Everyone Looks at Them More Politely”: Gay Propaganda and LGBT Rights in the Baltic States. In: Chakars, J., Ekmanis, I. (eds) Information Wars in the Baltic States. The Palgrave Macmillan Series in International Political Communication. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99987-2_12

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