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Democratic Principle and Nationalistic Aspirations in Plurinational States. A Republican Approach

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Ethnic Diversity, Plural Democracy and Human Dignity

Part of the book series: Ius Gentium: Comparative Perspectives on Law and Justice ((IUSGENT,volume 99))

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Abstract

European integration sets up a common acquis beyond state boundaries. Being a political actor in this process involves a commitment to the values on which the EU itself is founded and the rights it safeguards. European integration has paved the way for new ways of political participation that have given a voice to non state actors in this process. From this perspective, this contribution examines the legitimacy of nationalist claims inside EU member states as well as the states facing such claims. I shall argue that as long as both are committed to the common acquis, then both of them are equally legitimate to support their positions. But they are also required to settle these disputes by democratic means in line with that common ground.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    MacCormick (1999), pp. 102ff; Walker (1996), p. 272.

  2. 2.

    Keating (2004), p. 369.

  3. 3.

    This is a common trait of European nationalism, such as Wales, Scotland, Catalonia and the Basque Country. For this and other examples see Keating (2001) and Loughlin (2001).

  4. 4.

    Garzón Valdés (1987).

  5. 5.

    Garzón Valdés (1987), pp. 576–567.

  6. 6.

    Buchanan and Keohane (2006), p. 405.

  7. 7.

    For a definition of social conventions Lewis (1969), p. 78. On consensus and legitimacy Habermas (1996) Chapter 2.

  8. 8.

    Hart (1994), p. 119.

  9. 9.

    Ibidem.

  10. 10.

    On legal conventionalism see: Marmor (2001). A view of Hart’s rule of recognition as a constitutive convention, Vilajosana (2019).

  11. 11.

    It could be alleged that the Second Spanish Republic remained the legitimate Spanish Republican-government-in-exile. There’s no doubt that is an historical fact, but the point to retain is that the Spanish Republican State ceased to exist as such.

  12. 12.

    Bellamy (2019), pp. 90ff.

  13. 13.

    Garzón Valdés (1990), p. 469.

  14. 14.

    Ferrajoli (2001), p. 51.

  15. 15.

    Pettit (1997), Chapter 6.

  16. 16.

    Bessons and Martí (2018), p. 7.

  17. 17.

    Aristotle (1885) 1253a.

  18. 18.

    Ibidem.

  19. 19.

    Aristotle (1885) 1279b.

  20. 20.

    Ibidem.

  21. 21.

    Hobbes (1991), Chapter XVII.

  22. 22.

    Hart (1994), pp. 193ff.

  23. 23.

    Rawls (1971), p. 119.

  24. 24.

    Kant (1997) 4, pp. 433–436.

  25. 25.

    Dworkin (1985), p. 273.

  26. 26.

    Scanlon (2013), p. 5.

  27. 27.

    Garzón Valdés (1990), p. 469.

  28. 28.

    Willians (1985), p. 128 and pp. 140–141. Smith (2013), pp. 105ff.

  29. 29.

    von Wright (1963), Chapter V.

  30. 30.

    Dworkin (1977), pp. 37ff.

  31. 31.

    Alexy (1986), p. 75.

  32. 32.

    Garzón Valdés (1990), p. 469.

  33. 33.

    Garzón Valdés (1983), pp. 181ff.

  34. 34.

    Nozick (1974), pp. 90ff and pp. 160ff.

  35. 35.

    Such as monarchy as state’s political form, the capital city and state’s indivisibility, as is the case of Spanish Constitution. Available online in https://www.boe.es/legislacion/documentos/ConstitucionINGLES.pdf.

  36. 36.

    Christiano (2016), p. 222.

  37. 37.

    Rawls (1971), p. 505.

  38. 38.

    Ibidem.

  39. 39.

    On rationality, autonomy and capabilities see: Sen (2002) Chapter 20; Nussbaum (2006), pp. 78ff.

  40. 40.

    Pettit (2012), p. 39.

  41. 41.

    Rawls (1971), p. 505.

  42. 42.

    Hardin (2006), p. 17.

  43. 43.

    Hardin (2006), p. 19.

  44. 44.

    On the requirements of consent Estlund (2008), pp. 119ff.

  45. 45.

    Dworkin (1988), pp. 113ff.

  46. 46.

    Pettit (2012), p. 149.

  47. 47.

    Buchanan (2004), p. 184.

  48. 48.

    Christiano (2008), Chapter 5.

  49. 49.

    Rawls (1999), pp. 23–25.

  50. 50.

    Aristotle (1885) 1281a-b.

  51. 51.

    Aristotle (1885) 1281b.

  52. 52.

    As is well known, this is the view held by a large part of Spain’s political spectrum when defending the status quo. This is also the main argument behind the controversial Spanish King’s speech the 3 October 2017, two days after the referendum that was held in Catalonia which had previously been declared illegal.

  53. 53.

    Ruiz Miguel (2019), p. 106.

  54. 54.

    Vilajosana (2014), pp. 68ff and Vilajosana (2020), pp. 383ff.

  55. 55.

    Moreso (2020), pp. 498–499.

  56. 56.

    Laporta (2015).

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Law, Legal Philosophy Area, Pompeu Fabra University, Barcelona, Spain

    Alberto Carrio Sampedro

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  1. Alberto Carrio Sampedro
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Editors and Affiliations

  1. Legal Theory Department, Faculty of Law, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia

    Mario Krešić

  2. Public and International Law Department, Faculty of Law, University of Sarajevo, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina

    Damir Banović

  3. Department of Law, Legal Philosophy Area, Pompeu Fabra University, Barcelona, Spain

    Alberto Carrio Sampedro

  4. Department of Legal Theory and History, University of Latvia, Rīga, Latvia

    Jānis Pleps

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Carrio Sampedro, A. (2022). Democratic Principle and Nationalistic Aspirations in Plurinational States. A Republican Approach. In: Krešić, M., Banović, D., Sampedro, A.C., Pleps, J. (eds) Ethnic Diversity, Plural Democracy and Human Dignity. Ius Gentium: Comparative Perspectives on Law and Justice, vol 99. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97917-1_3

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