Abstract
Mary Tudor served a long apprenticeship in the esthetics of royal status. Drawing upon contemporary records of her spending, this article examines Mary’s use of ostentatious dress, display of symbolic textiles, and participation in the Tudor economy of gift exchange. She used these early modern status markers skillfully to earn the respect of the English nobility and populace, establishing herself as Henry VIII's rightful daughter and her brother Edward VI's rightful heir to the English throne.
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Notes
- 1.
See especially Dress at the Court of King Henry VIII (Leeds: Maney, 2007) and The Great Wardrobe Accounts of Henry VII and Henry VIII (London: London Record Society and Boydell & Brewer, 2012), 2–14. In addition, she edited the second volume, focused on textile and dress in the multi-volume Inventory of King Henry VIII, edited by David Starkey (London: Harvey Miller, 1998 & 2012).
- 2.
Many thanks to Melanie Schuessler Bond and Laurel Ann Wilson for helping me articulate this theme.
- 3.
Many warrants and accounts detailing Mary’s wardrobe and other expenses have been transcribed by scholars in the last 200 years, particularly Frederic Madden and Hilary Doda. It has not been possible to pursue my own transcriptions due to pandemic travel restrictions.
- 4.
Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman eds., Mary Tudor, Old and New Perspectives (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2011), 3–6. Doran and Freeman make a persuasive argument that Protestant support in England was not strong. They suggest that had Mary’s reign lasted even a few years longer, England would have rejoined the Roman Catholic Church and remained Catholic indefinitely.
- 5.
Hayward, Dress, 9.
- 6.
Clothing and fashion have enjoyed serious study since the 1940s with the work of James Laver (Style in Costume [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1949]) and C. Willett Cunnington (Englishwomen’s Clothing in the Nineteenth Century (Dover) reprint [London: Faber and Faber, 1937]). Roland Barthes’ The Fashion System, (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990 reprint [1967]) approaches the subject from semiotics, but theory and research of dress have developed dramatically in the last 40 years. Fashion is now studied through the disciplines of history (e.g. Valerie Steele, Fashion and Eroticism [New York: Oxford University Press, 1985]), art history (e.g. Stella Blum, numerous catalogs for the Costume Institute at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, NY), anthropology (e.g. Mary Ellen Roach and Joann Eicher, Dress, Adornment and the Social Order [New York: Wiley, 1965]), material culture (e.g. Janet Arnold, Queen Elizabeth’s Wardrobe Unlock’d [Leeds (England): Maney, 1988]), economics (e.g. Daniel Roche, La Culture des Apparences [Paris: Fayard, 1988]), and literature (e.g. Laura Hodges, Chaucer and Costume [Woodbridge: Brewer, 2000]).
- 7.
Maria Hayward, “Luxury or Magnificence? Dress at the Court of Henry VIII,” Costume 30, no.1 (January 1996): 37. Compare Hayward’s extensive work on the inventories of Henry VIII with the previous generation of Tudor scholarship, which focused on parliament, court and courtiers. Examples include Geoffrey Elton’s The Tudor Revolution in Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1953), and David Starkey, The English Court from the Wars of the Roses to the Civil War (London: Longmans, 1987).
- 8.
Carter, Alison J. “Mary Tudor’s Wardrobe.” Costume 18, no. 1 (1984): 9–28 and Hilary Doda, “Of Crymsen Tissue: The Construction of a Queen” (MA thesis, Dalhousie University, 2011).
- 9.
Doda, “Crymsen”, 2.
- 10.
Ninya Mikhaila, and Jane Malcolm-Davies, The Tudor Tailor: Reconstructing 16th-Century Dress (London: Batsford, 2006), 11. “In 1533, a man with an annual income of £4 might spend up to 6s 8d a yard on his gown fabric, by law. The yardage required would cost one third of his £4 a year.”
- 11.
For perspective on expenditures, a master mason made less than £8 for a 300-day year, and a laborer less than £4. The minimum landed income for a nobleman was £1000 a year and the average knight’s £200–£400. Barbara J. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 1450–1550: Marriage and Family, Property and Careers (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 15.
- 12.
Maria Hayward. The Inventory of King Henry VIII: Society of Antiquaries MS 129 and British Library MS Harley 1419. Volume II, Textiles and Dress (London: Harvey Miller, 2012), 72–73. A perquisite of being in Henry VIII’s service was that he frequently gave gifts of his clothing, which could be worth anywhere between “a Jaquet of crimosyn veluete…xxiiij li” to “a gowne of blacke saten furred with sabullus—CCC li.”
- 13.
Judith M. Richards, “Mary Tudor” (London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 83. Somerset acquired “not only Norfolk’s ducal parliamentary robes and Garter regalia, but also gowns, coats, doublets and hose.”
- 14.
PP May 1537, fol. 17b, quoted in Frederic Madden, Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, Daughter of King Henry VIII, Afterwards Queen Mary: With a Memoir of the Princess and Notes (hereafter PP) (Forgotten Books) reprint [London: William Pickering, 1831], 28. Mary had lost the piece to one of her ladies at cards.
- 15.
Malcolm G. A. Vale, The Princely Court: Medieval Courts and Culture in North-West Europe, 1270–1380 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 93–94.
- 16.
Jeri L. McIntosh, From Heads of Household to Heads of State: The Preaccession Households of Mary and Elizabeth Tudor, 1516–1558 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), 7.
- 17.
Hayward, Dress, 26–27.
- 18.
Hayward, Dress, 28–30.
- 19.
Hayward, Dress, 32–33.
- 20.
McIntosh, Household, 21.
- 21.
McIntosh, Household, 11.
- 22.
Hayward, Dress, 231.
- 23.
Felicity Heal, The Power of Gifts: Gift-Exchange in Early Modern England (London: Oxford Scholarship Online, 2014), 4.
- 24.
Heal, Power, 116; McIntosh, Household, 78–79.
- 25.
Natalie Zemon Davis, The Gift in Sixteenth-Century France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2010), 37–38.
- 26.
Marcel Mauss and W. D. Halls. The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies (London: W.W. Norton, 2000), 7.
- 27.
Mauss, The Gift. First published in 1925, it deals mainly with the meanings of gift exchanges among Pacific Islanders. The work of later scholars has extended that analysis to historical cultures.
- 28.
Natalie Zemon Davis, The Gift in Sixteenth-Century France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2010).
- 29.
Heal, Power, 28.
- 30.
Rymer’s ined. Collect. MS. Add. Brit. Mus., 4620, 72, quoted in Madden, xxi–xxii. A pomander was a decorative pendant to strings of beads that went around the waistline and hung from the center front of a gown. Pomanders were often hollow and filled with sweet smelling herbs.
- 31.
“The King’s Book of Payments,” 1518, Jan. in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII (hereafter L&P), Volume II, 1515–1518, ed. J S Brewer (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1864), 1476–1480. See also previous note. Smocks, camisia, or chemises were the white linen undergarment that women wore under their gowns closest to their skin. They were washable, in order to preserve the other layers of fashionable garments.
- 32.
Heal, Power, 70.
- 33.
Madden, PP, xxiii, “towards the kepyng of my lady princes…for new yeres yeftes and others.” Also “The King’s Book of Payments, 1519,” L&P III, 1519, Dec. 11.
- 34.
“The King’s Book of Payments, 1520,” L&P III, 1520, Jan. 11. “To Mr. Sydnor, expenses for my lady Princess, 17l 10s.”
- 35.
Heal, Power, 83, 92–93.
- 36.
McIntosh, Household, 19–21. To contrast this with Princess Elizabeth: Henry set up a separate household for the baby within three months of her birth in 1533. The single remaining reference to its cost is a note from the steward, in March 1535, promising not to exceed £1000 for the next half year. Mary’s household for the entire year 1518 cost Henry £1,400.
- 37.
Madden, PP, xxiii. Henry and Katherine were at the Field of Cloth of Gold.
- 38.
Loades, D. M. Mary Tudor (Stroud, Gloucestershire: Amberley Pub., 2011), 21.
- 39.
McIntosh, Household, 21–22. For comparison’s sake, Prince Edward was given lands bearing revenues and titles shortly after his birth in October 1537. He became Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester. Before those revenues could be collected, Henry spent £6,500 from his own funds to set his son up for his first six months. For context, Henry’s own household cost around £13,000/year until the late 1530s. By 1538, it cost closer to £25,000/year. Henry’s great expenditures on Elizabeth and Edward suggest he was hyper-aware of European opinions about his second and third marriages. He defended his actions of 1527–1536 by making a much greater spectacle of the resulting children than he had when Mary was born.
- 40.
Whitelock, Princess, 14. Cloth of gold had a silk warp and weft threads with a silk core wound with bullion strips. It cost £2–3/yard. Velvet is a silk fabric with two warps, one for structure, one creates pile. It cost between s9 and £1 s10. See Caroline Johnson, Jane Malcolm-Davies, Ninya Mikhaila, and Michael Perry. 2016. The Queen's Servants: Gentlewomen's Dress at the Accession of Henry VIII: A Tudor tailor case study. (Lightwater, Surrey [England]: Fat Goose Press), 13.
- 41.
Whitelock, Princess, 14.
- 42.
McIntosh, Household, 24.
- 43.
Since Mary’s household was paid for by Henry’s at the time, it seems likely that Mary’s garments were paid for by the Great Wardrobe. The total expenditures for 1518–1519 were £4,727. Hayward, Dress, 32.
- 44.
Whitelock, Princess, 14. Presumably from the French Lord Admiral Bonnivet, who acted as proxy for her husband, the Dauphin, although sources do not specify.
- 45.
Whitelock, Princess, 17.
- 46.
McIntosh, Household, 25. One imagines the behind-the-scenes scrambling up to the envoy’s arrival.
- 47.
Whitelock, Princess, 18.
- 48.
NPG 6453, dated between 1521 and 1525 when Charles dissolved the betrothal. The specifics of the giving or receipt weren’t recorded.
- 49.
McIntosh, Household, 26.
- 50.
L&P, II, pt.2, 2585; McIntosh, Household, 26–27.
- 51.
Whitelock, Princess, 29.
- 52.
L&P, IV, pt. 1, 1577; McIntosh, Household, 32. Damask is a pure silk fabric, patterned by a textured weave rather than colored threads, 6–10 s/yard. Johnson, Servants, 13.
- 53.
L&P, IV, 1577; Whitelock, Princess, 30.
- 54.
Madden, PP, xliii.
- 55.
McIntosh, Household, 32; Madden, PP, xliii; Whitelock, Princess, 29.
- 56.
Madden, PP, xliii–xliv; McIntosh, Household, 31.
- 57.
“Instructions,” f. 8r; Ellis, T.P. The First Extent of Bromfield and Yale, Lordships A.D. 1315. London: 1924, quoted in McIntosh, Household, 32.
- 58.
McIntosh, Household, 32.
- 59.
Madden, PP, xliv.
- 60.
McIntosh, Household, 36.
- 61.
PP Fol. 117 Feb. 1544 quoted in Madden, PP, 152. St. David is the patron saint of Wales, and the leek is the Welsh heraldic badge.
- 62.
McIntosh, Household, 36–37.
- 63.
Whitelock, Princess, 33–35. Both Francis and his son were named in the agreement. Mary was deemed young for marriage, so the negotiators planned to determine which groom was more suitable in a few years’ time.
- 64.
Edward Hall, Richard Grafton, Evelyn John Shirley, George Goyder, W. R., and Paul Chrzanowski. 1550. The Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Famelies of Lancastre & Yorke (London: Rychard Grafton), quoted in Madden, PP, xlv–xlvi. Cloth of gold tissue features loops of bullion thread in a cloth of gold ground and was the costliest cloth at £6–8/yard. Tinsel had silk warp and wefts with both silk and bullion strips. It came in various weaves at costs between £1 and 4/yard. Johnson, Servants, 13. This description of their headgear makes more sense if read as crimson velvet bonnets or lappets worn on their gable hood frames with their braided hair wrapped in gold cloth and the whole trimmed with gold and pearl jewels. See Johnson, Servants, 50–51.
- 65.
Nicholas Harris Nicolas, William Pickering, and Thomas White. The Privy Purse Expences of King Henry the Eighth, from November MDXXIX, to December MDXXXII: With Introductory Remarks and Illustrative Notes. (Forgotten Books) reprint [London: William Pickering, Chancery Lane, 1827], 88. November 23, 1530. “for xix yards and iij quarters of Crymysin satin for my lady Anne at xvj s. le yarde… Xvj li” This is one of many examples. It is worthy of note that reds were often substituted for purple, and served a similar function, symbolizing royalty. Both these customs go back to the ancient world. See Susan Kay-Williams, The Story of Colour in Textiles: Imperial Purple to Denim Blue (London: A. & C. Black, 2013), 36.
- 66.
Nicolas, PP, 13. He sent the same to her again on December 23, 1530. Nicolas, PP, 98.
- 67.
Nicolas, PP, 13.
- 68.
Hall, Union, quoted in Whitelock, Princess, 44.
- 69.
Nicolas, PP, 127. £10 on April 13, 1531, which was Easter Monday. Easter was a traditional time of almsgiving.
- 70.
Nicolas, PP, 146. £20 on July 12, 1531 “to baker the pryncesse s’vnt for doctor Barteot in rewarde for gyving his Attendance when she was sike.”
- 71.
Madden, PP, 70.
- 72.
Davis, Gift, 18–20.
- 73.
Fiona Kisby, “‘When the King Goeth a Procession’: Chapel Ceremonies and Services, and Religious Reforms at the Early Tudor Court, 1485–1547,”Journal of British Studies 4, no.1 (Jan. 2001): 58.
- 74.
Doda, “Crymsen,” 26–27. Doda appends transcriptions of a 1545–1547 apparel account, as well as Mary’s accounts from March and April of 1557.
- 75.
Kay-Williams, Susan. The Story of Colour in Textiles. (London: A. & C. Black, 2013), 21.
- 76.
Doda, “Crymsen,” 32.
- 77.
This procession from the Tower along the ceremonial route into London was an essential part of Coronation or ceremonial entries. Henry and Katherine performed this ritual together, also richly dressed, in 1509.
- 78.
L&P, VI, 1199.
- 79.
L&P, VI, 1139.
- 80.
Madden, PP, lvi.
- 81.
L&P, VI, 1186; Richards, Mary Tudor, 56–58; McIntosh, Household, 39.
- 82.
L&P, VI, 1296. Also L&P, VI, 1392; L&P, VI, 1528. These are letters from Spanish Ambassador Eustace Chapuys to Charles V with details of the Mary’s household changes.
- 83.
Whitelock, Princess, 55. This is also up for interpretation. According to McIntosh, Pole accompanied Mary. McIntosh, Household, 39.
- 84.
McIntosh, Household, 40.
- 85.
Richards, Mary Tudor, 57.
- 86.
Mary, at 17, was probably growing out of her old clothes as well as wearing them out.
- 87.
L&P, VII, 214; Whitelock, Princess, 57.
- 88.
L&P, VII, 83.
- 89.
Richards, Mary Tudor, 59.
- 90.
Whitelock, Princess, 64.
- 91.
MS Cott. App. xxix., f. 62, quoted Madden, PP, lxviii–lxix.
- 92.
Madden, PP, lxx.
- 93.
Madden, PP, lxxiv; L&P, X, 1187; Loades, Mary Tudor, 58–59. Loades argues that she was not actually given her own household, but that she and Elizabeth were given parallel and detachable households. At this time, Elizabeth’s household was decreased, as she was now also considered illegitimate. The household controller reported that both sides cost about £4,000 altogether.
- 94.
L&P, XI, 7–8.
- 95.
Madden, PP, lxxiii; L&P, XI, 6.
- 96.
L&P, XI, 40.
- 97.
Heal, Power, 115–116.
- 98.
McIntosh, Household, 22.
- 99.
Madden, Privy Purse, 43.
- 100.
Whitelock, Princess, 97–98.
- 101.
Hayward, Dress, 80. Blue was the color for Tudor royal mourning, and black was more widely used.
- 102.
Alison J. Carter “Mary Tudor’s Wardrobe,” Costume 18, 1 (January 1984): 11.
- 103.
Doda, “Crymson,” 30. It is worthy of note that reds were often substituted for purple, and served a similar function, symbolizing royalty. Both these customs go back to the ancient world.
- 104.
Hayward, Dress, 121.
- 105.
McIntosh, Household, 46–47.
- 106.
McIntosh, Household, 48. A kirtle is an underdress. Usually a white linen smock was worn next to the skin, then a kirtle of wool or silk over that. A gown was then worn over both layers, often having decorative sleeves.
- 107.
Madden, PP, lxxii–lxxiii.
- 108.
Loades, Mary Tudor, 58.
- 109.
Whitelock, Princess, 17. Queen Claude of France sent Mary a jeweled cross in 1520; MS. Cott. Vesp., C.iii., f. 49, April 3, 1525, quoted in Madden, PP, xxxv. Mary sent Charles V, her intended, an emerald ring.
- 110.
PP, October 1538 fol. 54, quoted in Madden, 79.
- 111.
McIntosh, Household, 77–78.
- 112.
McIntosh, Household, 38–39, 70–71. Loades, Mary Tudor, 67.
- 113.
Madden, PP, 8.
- 114.
TNA E 36/219, transcribed in Madden, PP.
- 115.
Madden, PP, 47. Her yearly expenses were tallied December to November.
- 116.
Madden, PP, 16.
- 117.
Madden, PP, 88.
- 118.
Madden, PP, 85. “payed for viij Bonnettts viij li. Payed for viij Frountletts liij s. iiij d.” These are the two of the three parts of the English or gable headdress.
- 119.
Whitelock, Princess, 102–103.
- 120.
Madden, PP, 85.
- 121.
Madden, PP, 87.
- 122.
Carter, “Wardrobe,” 12.
- 123.
Susan E. James, in Kateryn Parr: the making of a queen. (Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 1999), makes a case that Katherine served on Mary’s Privy Council. Katherine’s mother, Maud Parr, had been one of Katherine of Aragon’s ladies at her accession in 1509. Discussed in McIntosh, Household, 82–83.
- 124.
Lloyd, Christoper, and Simon Thurley. Henry VIII: Images of a Tudor King. Oxford: Phaidon, 1990, 36–37.
- 125.
Voided velvet or velvet on velvet had pile cut in different lengths to make a pattern. It could include gold bullion loops. Johnson, Servants, 13.
- 126.
Doda, “Crymsen,” 30.
- 127.
NPG 428, by Master John, 1544. https://www.npg.org.uk/collections/search/portraitConservation/mw04264/Queen-Mary-I. Description from Carter, “Wardrobe”, 13.
- 128.
Folio 25, Henry VIIIs Last Will and Testament, quoted in Suzannah Lipscomb, The King is Dead (London: Head of Zeus, 2018), 197.
- 129.
McIntosh, Household, 50.
- 130.
McIntosh, Household, 50–54.
- 131.
McIntosh, Household, 53.
- 132.
Doda, “Crymsen,” 31.
- 133.
Madden, PP, cxiv.
- 134.
Doda, “Crymsen,” 34–35.
- 135.
Whitelock, Princess, 189–190.
- 136.
Wriothesley’s Chronicle, quoted in Doda, “Crymsen,” 33–34; Also Richards, Mary Tudor, 128.
- 137.
Doda, “Crymsen,” 30, 35–36.
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McMahon, E. (2022). Accounting Legitimacy in Purple and Gold: Mary Tudor, Household Accounts, and the English Succession. In: Schutte, V., Hower, J.S. (eds) Mary I in Writing. Queenship and Power. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95128-3_9
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