1 Introduction

One of the first problems encountered by anyone interested in studies about Spanish navigation between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries is undoubtedly that of having to acquire terms which, at first glance, may seem odd and complicated (some of which are still in use today, albeit with a different meaning). However, this stumbling block—as any learning curve in the field of language—is but a temporary problem insofar as we start to incorporate to our language, through repeated use, these formerly common words and concepts that invoke the universe of ancient seafarers. For this purpose, a brief introduction to Spanish maritime vocabularies is presented, along with commentaries on the manuscript of Joseph de Ledesma. Furthermore, his maritime vocabulary is presented.Footnote 1

2 Nautical Jargon

The importance of navigation throughout modern world history is well known: the Age of Discoveries, overseas communications, and commercial trade . The ships that made this possible were, without question, examples of sophisticated and complex technology, if one considers the great number of operations they engaged in and the individuals involved in such endeavour. Therefore, the body of words that emerged as a result, to name each part that composed a ship, as well as its operation, is in itself a world that researchers must embrace, to accurately understand the phenomenon at hand. The introduction to the Maritime Vocabulary of 1722 reads: “It is, discreet reader, to my knowledge, the Ship, the greatest vessel to ever be thought up by man through his abilities and hard work; and as such, machine of all machines, it seems by no means disproportionate to have devised a vocabulary to explain the terms or name the elements that comprise such ships […]” (Anonymous 2000).

This alive and thus ever-changing universe has adopted and discarded many a word throughout the centuries, especially when considering the introduction of steam and later internal combustion engines. Therefore, the maritime jargon has suffered many changes, and thus, in broad strokes, in the sixteenth and seventeenth century there is mention of arbol (mast), whereas by the beginning of the nineteenth century the word palo was used to refer to the same nautical element. Regarding the definition of palo, O’Scanlan says as follows: “Formerly it was called mastil and also arbol” (O’Scanlan 1831). This is one of the reasons why Ledesma’s document is so interesting, for it freezes in time the maritime world of the late seventeenth century Carrera de Indias .

2.1 Maritime Vocabularies

Few are the works that compile terms preceding Ledesma’s Maritime vocabulary. As far as printed works, the first of its kind to come to light from the pen of Diego García de Palacio was printed in Mexico City in 1587. His work, Instrucción Náutica , includes in book IV, a vocabulary of 506 words. I believe that one of the reasons why García de Palacio put forward this extraordinary universal lexicographical contribution is due to the influence of printed vocabularies in indigenous languages, abundant in New Spain, and that resulted greatly effective in evangelizing and communicating with the native peoples. Just to mention a few: those of Friar Alonso de Molina in Nahuatl in 1555, printed by Juan Pablos, and in 1571 by Antonio de Espinosa, that of Friar Maturino Gilberti in 1559 in the Purepecha language by Juan Pablos, that of Friar Juan Bautista de Lagunas in 1574, in the aforementioned language, by Pedro Balli, and that of Friar Juan de Córdova in the Zapotec language in 1578 by Pedro Ocharte, the same printer responsible for Instrucción Náutica .

Following García de Palacio’s great work, Tomé Cano’s work was published in 1606: Arte para fabricar naos, which includes a “declaration of words” comprising 77 terms. While the amount of words is not as important as in the precedent complication, 27 of them had not yet been mentioned, according to Nieto Jiménez’s thorough analysis (Nieto Jiménez 2002).

As regards the famous dictionary Tesoro de la Lengua by Sebastián de Covarrubias written in 1611, it contains some maritime definitions, which, as pointed out by historian Trejo in her analysis of García de Palacio’s work, are based on Instrucción Náutica (Trejo Rivera 2009). Lastly, I shall mention a phantom edition: the Vocabulario Marítimo of 1696—that comprises 216 terms—of which no known copies survived. However, Martín Fernández de Navarrete noted that Sebastián Fernández de Gamboa’s 1696 manuscript would correspond to this edition, which was reprinted in 1722 and published anonymously, with a 245-word enhancement (Nieto Jiménez 2002).

Until this point, I have only mentioned books printed before Ledesma’s manuscript, because although there are a few known manuscripts, it is unlikely that the author would have been able to consult them. Amongst these manuscripts are: Alonso de Chávez, Espejo de Navegantes (written between 1520 and 1538); Juan de Moya, El arte de marear (1564); Andrés de Poza, Hidrografía la más curiosa que hasta aquí ha salido a luz… (1585); the anonymous Bocavulario navaresco (circa 1600); Eugenio de Salazar: Navegación del alma (Circa 1600) (Martínez 1999, 109); the anonymous Derrotero del mar Mediterráneo (1614) ; Manuel de Ayala, Diccionario marítimo o Promptuario náutico (1673) ; and finally Pedro Fernández de Navarrete’s Breve diccionario de términos de marina (1675) (Nieto Jiménez 2002). This is everything I have been able to compile up to now, printed or handwritten, prior to Ledesma’s vocabulary.

Throughout the eighteenth century, lexicographical compilations appeared, such as the one written by Antonio de Ulloa in his work Conversaciones de Ulloa con sus tres hijos al servicio de la Marina (de Ulloa 1795), until the appearance, in 1831, of Timoteo O’Scanlan’s famous Diccionario Marítimo Español , which remained, for many years, the most ambitious compendium of maritime terms. However, this dictionary is not the product of a lexicographical accumulation of other terms, but rather of emulating the European—encyclopaedic—works, such as the four Marine volumes of the famous 1783 Encyclopédie Méthodique , Marine, de Panckoucke (Panckoucke 1783).

2.2 The Manuscript

The manuscript that encompasses all the terms presented in this work is safeguarded at the Library of Congress in Washington D.C. and is entitled: Itinerario Historial Viaje que hizo de la America Septentrional a la Europa M. R. P. Fr. Joseph de Ledesma , hijo de la Santa Provincia de los Santos Apóstoles San Pedro y San Pablo de Michoacán en la Nueva España Lector de Sagrada Teología y Proministro para el próximo capítulo general de su religión que se celebra en la Santa ciudad de Roma el año de 1700. Itinerary of the Journey from Northern America to Europe, undertaken by M.R.P. Fr. Joseph de Ledesma, son of the Sacred Province of the Holy Apostles Saint Peter and Saint Paul of Michoacan in the New Spain, Lector of Sacred Theology and Prominister for the next general chapter of his religion which will take place in the Holy city of Rome on the year 1700.Footnote 2 I have been able to verify the existence of another copy of this manuscript in Mexico, as part of the collection of an eminent bibliographer who was kind enough to allow me to consult it. Both bear the same information, although the private copy contains the figure of a ship, whereas the Library of Congress copy contains a list of 31 parts of the ship, and the space in the page on which the figure would have been drawn is blank. This detail, as well as the 1749 date—that could well be the date in which the copy was manufactured—proves that the copy presented here, that of the Library of Congress, is a subsequent one.

It is interesting to note that the manuscript, bound in parchment, contains the ex libris of an eminent nineteenth-century Mexican bibliographer, Don Vicente Andrade. Furthermore, it contains the ex libris of Maximilian of Habsburg Emperor of Mexico, of whom it is well known he acquired Andrade’s library, and after whose fall, Father Fisher sold the said collection throughout Europe and the United States. A “Jose de la Rosa” handwritten ex libris can also be observed, as well as another one with the stamp “Antonio de la Rosa”. Generally speaking, it is in good condition; however, the top corner of the text presents some damage due to moisture, leaving the reader in suspense in certain passages.

About the author, Beristáin y Souza mentions in his famous Biblioteca Hispano-Americana Septentrional that he belonged to the Franciscan Order and as a custodian, he travelled to Rome, where he had the opportunity to listen to the city’s most emblematic orators. Upon his return to New Spain, he retired at the Colegio de Celaya and lost his eyesight. However, he was able to identify every single volume of his copious library, accounting for its content. He was the author of the book Silvos del Pastor Divino, printed in Mexico by Juan Ribera in 1682 (Beristain de Souza 1816). In more recent years, Gómez Canedo carried out a study on Ledesma and on the work in question, entitled Dos viajeros mexicanos en Europa a fines del siglo XVII (Gómez Canedo 1981). Gómez Canedo unveiled details concerning the life of this priest born in Chamacuero, Michoacan, such as the fact that he was a philosophy professor at the Colegio de Celaya , amongst other interesting information. As far as the vocabulary is concerned, he states: “Amongst his observations as a seaman, which are few, he puts forward an interesting nautical vocabulary”. (Gómez Canedo 1981).

The manuscript in question talks about Ledesma’s 1698 travels, from Mexico City to Rome, for the General Chapter of the Franciscan Order. It describes his outward journey, his passing through different Spanish, French, and Italian cities, his curious observations—for instance, that of the Vatican’s library in Rome or his attendance at the Naples opera—right until his return to Veracruz on March 23rd, 1701. This is when he began to write his Vocabulario Marítimo with a description of the routes, illustrated with the figure of the compass rose. He then lists the terms that describe the (absent) figure of the ship, of which he says: “the explanation behind these terms could be found in the vocabulary according to the first letter”. Then comes the vocabulary and then “how things and events are transmitted from one ship to another”, and “the duties and officers of the ship”. He concludes with some advice “to those who set sail for the first time”, for instance, guidance concerning the currency exchange in Catalonia, France, Genoa, Milan, Bologna, and Naples. The manuscript comes to an end on sheet 181 r.

It is worth mentioning that the vocabulary in question is neither the most extensive nor the shortest: his body of terms includes 133 words, and as a whole, it is of great interest for it describes a ship that was part of the Carrera de Indias . To understand the reasoning behind the vocabulary, we must place ourselves on the deck of a ship, on the verge of weighing anchor in the harbour, with the cool wind blowing. Preparations commence. Operations follow their course. Sailors moving to and from, under the orders of the petty officer. We are confined within the great floating machine; all that separates us from certain death is a few centimetres of wood, the captain’s better judgement, and the divine Providence. After several days on the high seas—which are nothing more than a blue desert—everything becomes tedious and monotonous, while tension starts to rise amongst the crew. So, in the words of José Luis Martínez: “…it could be entertaining to register the sailors’ peculiar language that, over the years, constituted a jargon for which special vocabularies have been created to decipher it” (Martínez 1999). Eugenio de Salazar says: “A great thing it is that I learned so much of that language in forty days…” (Martínez 1999), which leads us to speculate that curious spirits, it would seem, made good use of their time by observing and learning about the ship’s different components and manoeuvres. Thus, perhaps the intention is to accompany the account of their journey with a vocabulary, because in doing so, the storytelling becomes ever more dramatic, especially when the language used to describe each experience to the reader is perfectly comprehensible. However, Ledesma himself specifies his reasons in the opening of his vocabulary: “Propriety in speech, concerning the matters recounted, are not useful only for (mainly) scholars to comprehend correctly. Many a time it is also necessary for political conversations and in the pulpit to speak of nautical matters, describe storms or draw ships, or relate journeys, to those not versed on ship parts or on the meaning of the terms that are mentioned. To one and the other this vocabulary will be of profit; of the precedent figure, they will know of the parts of a ship and its situations, and then I shall offer the nautical terms and meanings: but with the warning that many sailors often employ different terms, so, I shall offer the ones most often used”.

It is interesting to note that the author mentions “pulpits” amongst his motivations and certain sermons are known to have a vast amount of maritime terms, which seems to point to the fact that they might be more common than previously thought, like, for example, the famous Oración Eucaristica by the aforementioned Beristain y Souza (Medina 1991). Conversely, State responsibilities would include this jargon in matters relating to accidents or to relate the vicissitudes of the journeys on the King’s ships. In 1795, the wise sailor Antonio de Ulloa , in his above-mentioned work Conversaciones, that includes a substantial dictionary as a complement to his advice, specifies the following: “To ease the comprehension of nautical terms for those who, out of curiosity, indulge on brief moments of amusement with our conversations and entertainments, and do not have that comprehension, I shall offer a vocabulary that refers to those terms so that they will understand their meaning, for our maritime speech is different in many of its expressions to the language spoken on land” (de Ulloa 1795). For his part, another great sage Martín Fernández de Navarrete (not Pedro Fernández de Navarrete, mentioned earlier in the text), in his essay that was to become the prologue to O’scanlan’s Diccionario Marítimo Español , said soon after: “But if this investigation might be useful for nautical history, or of some curiosity for old scholars, the knowledge of the appropriate words is not only indispensable for the teacher, it is also so for the orator, the poet, and anyone wishing to read with intelligence and write correctly and accurately” (Fernández de Navarrete n.d.). The spirit is the same: to understand and speak the same language. One might wonder whether there is a language barrier that may alienate those initiated in seamanship because, in their own words, they seek to explain themselves through the vocabulary of others. As for the content of the vocabulary, if we divide the whole of Ledesma’s expressions by themes, we can observe that the author devotes over a third of the entire collection to words relating to the masts and the rigging of the ship. In my opinion, this has to do with the fact that the author would spend most of the day on the deck watching the sailors’ manoeuvres. Another third of the vocabulary is dedicated to the architecture of the ship, but several basic terms are not included, for example, Stem, Stern post, Strake , Tonnage , amongst others. The remaining words are divided between tools/machines and life aboard/the crew. As an example of tools, we may mention Lampaso: a scrubber made out of strands tied to a stick to mop the ship with; or Lanita: a lamp fixed to the binnacle for the helmsman to see the needle at night. Moreover, the vocabulary is rich in words that refer to everyday life, for instance, Rebenquez: pieces of rope, well tarred, used to punish the cabin boys and pages who do not fulfil their ministry, or for example, the term Zalomar: a sea shanty hummed by sailors as they complete their chores. These words also bring us closer to the everyday life onboard the ship, and we can picture a cabin boy on the galleon ‘s deck doing penance with the rebenquez while sailors pull on a rope while chanting a zaloma to which others respond. In this manner, by consulting this vocabulary we also tour through a ship engaged in the Carrera de las Indias and closer to its crew. Amongst the phrases not included in the aforementioned maritime vocabularies, as far as practices on board are concerned, there is this very revealing definition of Oratorio: is the chapel where mass is said and it is well sheltered to administer sacraments. In some ships, it is placed in the stern cabin, under the quarterdeck. In some others, it is joined to the cabin itself in such a way that mass can be attended from within, but others just do not have it so a table is placed on the quarterdeck when mass is to be celebrated. There is also the term Rancho, which Ledesma describes at length and that reveals a lot about how the ship’s crew is organized: “It is a company of seven or more men who each give an amount, from which their food will be paid for, etc. The rancho captain has the keys and amongst them, they take turns to be the cook. Each rancho is given a tub of water for a certain time. Different ranchos are given different hierarchies without mixing sailors, officers, and cabin boys. Although sometimes they make an exception”. It is worth mentioning that within the vocabulary there are some confusions in certain definitions, such as in the case of Manga: it is the height on the sides of the ship, from the first deck to the edge; he is referring to the Puntal del navío since the definition should be something like this: the measurement of the beam is in the main deck, from one side to the other, through half the length; according to the 1722 vocabulary. There are also some interesting mix-ups such as Amainar: the same as arriar. Arriar: the same as barras. Barras: long masts that go through the holes in the capstan to turn it around.

3 Conclusions

Finally, in conclusion to this brief introduction to Ledesma’s maritime vocabulary, I will say that this is one of the few ever compiled since the sixteenth century and it is the second known contribution of its kind with regard to New Spain. It is unique and it is not based on any previous works; it is, therefore, clear that it is the product of the author’s life experience. This can be appreciated through the analogies he employs as in his omissions and mistakes. For instance, when he describes the decks: “they are like the roof of a house”. Ledesma extolled his tale with the terms that he picked up on his journeys and wrote them down as a reference, both to render his discourse intelligible and for educational purposes. The set of terms that he put together tells us about a specific era of transatlantic sailing and it captures a collection of words picked up by a curious and savant traveller, although not an expert on nautical matters. However, as a whole, they allow us to discover certain aspects of the Carrera de Indias , sometimes in greater detail than in specialized works of the time, due to the author’s terrestrial, non-maritime condition. Other works and research will fulfil the task of gathering more information on Ledesma, as well as examining closer the vocabulary present in his writing, for here I have but completed the basic requirements for an introduction. Thereby, it shall be imperative to develop a more profound analysis of its content in the future and exhaustively compare and contrast it to other vocabularies.