Abstract
Despite their increasingly expanding empire, technical norms have scarcely attracted the attention of legal scholars. This article tries to understand the working of such norms by approaching the issue from the standpoint of the notion of “artefactual normativity”—i.e. normativity concerning artefacts and their characteristics—and then by analysing a strikingly growing class of technical norms more or less explicitly directed at influencing behaviour. What emerges from this analysis is a non-legal form of normativity which involves the subject in a process of continuous observation, surveillance and direction of his/her conduct whose final aim is his/her self-identification with certain imposed standards. The paper ends with a section on the standardisation of the language of regulation.
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Notes
- 1.
ISO and IEC stand, respectively, for the International Organization for Standardization and its “sister organization”, the International Electrotechnical Commission. The definition of a standard and the following quotations in the text are found at the ISO/COPOLCO site (https://www.iso.org/sites/ConsumersStandards/1_standards.html).
- 2.
The ISO/IEC Guide (see the preceding note) defines consensus as the result of a systematic procedure for removing opposition and dissent: “consensus is general agreement, characterized by the absence of sustained opposition to substantial issues by any important part of the concerned interests and by a process that involves seeking to take into account the views of all parties concerned and to reconcile any conflicting arguments. … Consensus is an essential procedural principle, requiring the resolution of substantial objections. … The aim is to resolve substantive issues before the final stages of development”. Once these final stages are reached, any conflict and discussion about the standards adopted is banished to the advantage of “technical harmonization”. On consensus see also Sect. 10.5, notes 7 and 8 and the text corresponding to the notes.
- 3.
See, e.g., Azzoni (1991).
- 4.
- 5.
- 6.
Is it an accident that scholars of the new forms of regulations speak of influencing behaviour? E.g., Davis et al. (2012, pp. 10, 15); Fisher (2012, p. 237); Dadush (2012, p. 407), and most paradigmatically Sunstein (2016). Now, the aim of legal norms is not to influence behaviour. According to a reasonably reliable and agreed characterisation, a legal norm entails at least the following features: (1) it is a binding rule of conduct issued by the competent state authority; (2) it determines right and duties of the subjects to whom it is addressed; and (3) abidance by subjects is enforced by the state coercion. Such a norm does not violate the subjects’ autonomy. On the contrary, it presupposes it.
- 7.
See note 2 above and the text corresponding to the note.
- 8.
As the ISO/IEC Guide emphasises, consensus is not synonymous with unanimity. This is correct. In fact, according to the ISO procedure it is up to the president of the competent expert committee to decide if and when there is sufficient consensus about the proposed standards (Van Waeyenbege 2014, p. 99).
- 9.
Of course, as it is well known, it is not at all difficult to abstract the “institutional framework” of democracy from its political content. For example, the ISO procedures for the elaboration of standards contemplates “majority” (Van Waeyenbege 2014, pp. 96–97; Carreira Da Cruz 2014, p. 128), but that doesn’t mean that they are democratic. As a matter of fact, “the exchanges between stakeholders are based upon scientific, technical or empirical data. This is reflected into the fact that the participants are appointed to the different committees because of their expertise in the field concerned and not by a political legitimation” (Van Waeyenbege 2014, p. 99, my translation). This shift from democratic legitimation to a legitimation based on technical expertise has far reaching depoliticising effects. As Lisa Duggan remarks in his Twilight of Equality?, “The most successful ruse of neoliberal dominance is the definition of economic [more in general public] policy as primarily a matter of neutral, technical expertise. This expertise is then presented as separated from politics and culture, and not properly subject to specifically political accountability or cultural critique” (Duggan 2003, p. xiv).
- 10.
See the quotation from Habermas at the beginning of the paper.
- 11.
For example, the university professors who do not achieve the levels of “efficiency” prescribed by the indicators of the Italian National Agency for the Evaluation of Universities and Research Institutes (ANVUR) are excluded from participating in the national commissions for the National Scientific Qualification (ASA). Nor is this the only “exclusion from the game”. For a penetrating criticism of the evaluation procedures of the Italian National Agency see Pinto (2012).
- 12.
Thanks to Andrea Gentili for having suggested this thought to me.
- 13.
“Indicators… often present the world in black and white, with few ambiguous intermediate shades. They take flawed and incomplete data that may have been collected for other purposes, and merge them together to produce an apparently coherent and complete picture” (Davis et al. 2012, pp. 8–9).
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Acknowledgements
I wish to thank Silvia Vida for her inspiring assistance during the writing of this paper. I owe a great deal to her and Matteo Galletti’s book (Galletti and Vida 2018).
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Artosi, A. (2021). Technical Normativity. In: Chiodo, S., Schiaffonati, V. (eds) Italian Philosophy of Technology. Philosophy of Engineering and Technology, vol 35. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54522-2_10
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