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The Integration of Muslim Maghrebis into Quebec: France as the Model Not to Follow

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Citizenship and Belonging in France and North America

Abstract

Since the early 1990s, Maghrebis began immigrating to Quebec in large numbers, attracted by Quebec’s interculturalism, and hoping to avoid the tense French-Maghrebi postcolonial paradigm. Unfortunately, the latter remains an issue for Muslim Maghrebis in Quebec. From province-wide political debates about secularism to high unemployment rates, the ghost-like presence of France’s own problematic relation with Muslim Maghrebis is plain to see. This French “ghost” is such a part of the socio-economic and political reality of Maghrebis in Quebec that it is becoming a topos in the emerging literature written by Maghrebis in the province. After presenting this French specter in the political and socio-economic realms in Quebec, this chapter further analyzes the complexity of this phenomenon in Bachir Bensaddek’s play Montréal la Blanche (Théâtre Porte Parole, unpublished, Montréal, 2004).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    General statistics about Quebec’s immigrant population are available at: http://www.micc.gouv.qc.ca/fr/recherches-statistiques/stats-immigration-recente.html (Quebec Government 2018).

  2. 2.

    The Maghreb can also include Libya and Mauritania, but in France and Quebec, the region usually refers to Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia.

  3. 3.

    Moroccan Jews were part of an earlier wave of migration to Quebec between the 1950s and 1970s. For additional statistics on the population of Moroccan Jews in Montreal, see Charles Shahar (2015). For an understanding of the making of a Sephardic identity in Montreal, see Yolande Cohen (2010).

  4. 4.

    During the multiple demonstrations in Algeria against president Bouteflika in spring 2019, many signs and news articles denounced France’s continued interference in Algerian politics. See Nadia Bouzeghrane (2019).

  5. 5.

    In 2014, the European Court of Human Rights approved France’s 2010 law banning the full-face veil in the name of social cohesion. In 2018, however, a UN Human Rights Committee found the law in violation of Human Rights.

  6. 6.

    In 2013, Thierry Tuot’s governmental report on integration confirmed what everyone already knew: that the French policy of integration had always been more of a desire than a reality (Tuot 2013).

  7. 7.

    For more on the topic, see Coryse Ciceri (1998).

  8. 8.

    For more on the topic, see Typhaine Leservot (2009).

  9. 9.

    “[D]e nombreux Maghrébins nous ont dit, au cours de nos consultations, qu’ils avaient précisément choisi le Québec plutôt que la France parce qu’ils se sentaient plus acceptés ici et libérés du poids de la mémoire d’une longue relation de domination” (in text translation mine).

  10. 10.

    “Aucun groupe n’a une situation aussi peu enviable au Canada” (in text translation mine).

  11. 11.

    “On est ‘en train de reproduire le schéma des banlieues françaises,’ ce qui pourrait conduire à des ‘explosions’”(in text translation mine).

  12. 12.

    In 2018, Jean Beauregard’s research revealed that Maghrebis in Quebec city face a 50% chance of job discrimination (Mercure 2018).

  13. 13.

    “Si la police et la municipalité restent les bras croisés, ‘ce qui se passe en France dans les cités, dans 10 ans, il y a des chances que ça se passe ici” (in text translation mine).

  14. 14.

    Beur is originally slang for Arab. It was first created by French youth of Maghrebi origins before becoming a popular label to designate a French citizen of Maghrebi origins. By extension, it indicates anything that belongs to, or is created by a French citizen of Maghrebi origin: Beur literature, Beur authors, Beur generation, and so on.

  15. 15.

    “En France, les Beurs en sont à la troisième génération et ils sont toujours considérés comme des étrangers, […]. Si on continue, ça va être la même chose ici. Un ghetto. Comme à Montréal-Nord” (in text translation mine).

  16. 16.

    “Dans l’ensemble, les Maghrébins sont heureux d’être au Québec et ils y sont bien mieux accueillis qu’en Europe” (in text translation mine).

  17. 17.

    “en reproduisant par exemple le débat français à propos de la laïcité et de la place de l’islam dans l’espace public” (Belkaïd 2017), in text translation mine.

  18. 18.

    See Lilyane Rachédi (2010); Yvette Bénayoun-Szmidt and Najib Redouane (2017); Mostafa Benfares (2017).

  19. 19.

    The play is significantly different from the film, but during the many local and international interviews done by the author during the promotion of his film, he repeatedly mentioned the play and its importance.

  20. 20.

    Later in the play, the character Kahina explains: “when I speak with Quebecers, they don’t know where Algeria is, but all they know is that people behead” (“quand je parle avec les Québécois, ils savent pas où c’est l’Algérie, mais tout ce qu’ils savent c’est les gens qui égorgent,” Bensaddek 2004, scene 27).

  21. 21.

    “C’est vrai qu’ils faisaient des vins fantastiques en Algérie avant?” (in text translation mine).

  22. 22.

    “Le Québec c’est un petit pays, c’est pas la France” (in text translation mine).

  23. 23.

    “Je l’ai appelée de la part d’une copine en France” (in text translation mine).

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Correspondence to Typhaine Leservot .

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Leservot, T. (2020). The Integration of Muslim Maghrebis into Quebec: France as the Model Not to Follow. In: Mielusel, R., Pruteanu, S. (eds) Citizenship and Belonging in France and North America. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30158-3_7

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