Abstract
This chapter summarizes the predominant themes that cut across the other chapters in the book. The themes are presented as three “triggers” that have played a role in reactivating right-wing populism in Europe. These include immigration, particularly that which followed the refugee crisis that began in 2015; economic crisis in the wake of the 2007–2008 global recession; and a general crisis of sovereignty, sparked by the shortcomings of global institutions and multilateral organizations such as the European Union. The chapter suggests that the rise of nationalist populism is also partly the result of a failure of liberal and left political parties—not only their abandonment of working-class voters in favor of neoliberal interests, but also their connections to a transnational urban elite class, the members of whom are often employed in fields like biotechnology, Internet technology, and academia. The chapter concludes by suggesting that anthropologists should develop new research projects on right-wing populism—not only in Europe but globally—and that they should also be wary of the ways in which their academic and political work might be used to reinforce stereotypes that serve the interests of nationalist populists.
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Notes
- 1.
See also Eriksen (2016).
- 2.
- 3.
These are not idle concerns. In response to Italy’s 2011 debt crisis, the president appointed Mario Monti as the country’s prime minister. The economist and former EU commissioner formed a technocratic government to impose austerity measures under pressure from the European Central Bank (The Economist 2011).
- 4.
Gusterson’s concerns echo those of others—for example, see Thomas Frank (2004) and Emmett Rensin (2016). In a prophetic passage from his essay on “The Smug Style in American Liberalism,” Rensin noted: “If Donald Trump has a chance in November, it is because the knowing will dictate our [liberals’] strategy. Unable to countenance the real causes of their collapse, they will comfort with own impotence by shouting ‘Idiots!’ again and again, angrier and angrier, the handmaidens of their own destruction.”
- 5.
Bots are artificially created social media accounts that are programmed to act like people posting information online and can be mass produced to spread propaganda.
- 6.
It is unlikely that Cambridge Analytica’s proprietary software worked as advertised (see González 2017). The firm eventually filed for bankruptcy following a scandal in which the company was found to have obtained data from tens of millions of Facebook users without their consent. The company’s backers included Robert Mercer, the billionaire hedge fund manager known for supporting right-wing causes, and his daughter Rebecca Mercer.
- 7.
There is much debate regarding the extent to which social media “filter bubbles” play a role in politically polarizing people. Citing a Wall Street Journal investigation, Zeynep Tufekci (2018) notes that “YouTube’s recommendation algorithm tended to drive viewers toward extremist content by suggesting edgier versions of whatever they were watching--a good way to hold their attention.”
- 8.
- 9.
See, for example, American Ethnologist 44(2); Anthropology Today 33(3); the series of essays published in Cultural Anthropology Collaboration Studio under the title “Cultural Anthropology Responds to Trump”; and the series of essays published in Cultural Anthropology Fieldsights under the title “Crisis of Liberalism.”
- 10.
There are many examples of such rhetoric, including right-wing radio talk show host Rush Limbaugh’s occasional attacks on intellectuals. See, for example, Media Matters (2017).
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González, R.J. (2019). Conclusion. In: Donahue, K., Heck, P. (eds) Cycles of Hatred and Rage. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14416-6_9
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