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Although identity is seen as important to all phases of life, it has long been understood as an integral aspect of psychosocial development during adolescence and the transition to adulthood (e.g., Erikson, 1963, 1968). It is during the transition to adulthood that individuals in late modern societies face personal and social pressures to make decisions about their future, work, intimate relationships, and their general “place” within the adult world. Since people are expected to individually pursue their life projects with few institutional supports (e.g., tenuous school to work transitions) (see Baumeister & Muraven, 1996; Côté & Levine, 2002), many problems have been conceptualized around issues of identity and the self (e.g., Chandler, 1994; Hernandez, Montgomery, & Kurtines, 2006; Wheeler, Adams, & Keating, 2001).

Notwithstanding the centrality of identity during the transition to adulthood, the construct is under considerable debate. Different approaches to the construction of identity and the self abound. We describe and consider the impact of prior efforts to understand and explain identity during the transition to adulthood. Then, this chapter answers the question of how identity is constructed during the transition to adulthood through the use of the action theory perspective.

Identity in Late Modern Societies

During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries the locus and burden of the acquisition of an adult identity shifted from the society to the individual, likely in response to political, economic, and other social forces (Baumeister & Muraven, 1996; Baumeister & Tice, 1986). Whereas social roles and occupations were once mostly assigned by family members or the immediate social context, individuals in late modern society are now mostly expected to select where they “fit.” Additionally, individuals are now expected to make choices that are right and good rather than following values imposed by institutions such as religious organizations (Baumeister & Muraven, 1996). This so-called freedom of choice comes with the burden of searching for meanings in life (Baumeister, 1987).

The search for meaning and ways to fit into the social context are salient during the transition to adulthood in late modern societies. Individuals encounter serious and complex choices about occupation, relationships, and philosophical beliefs (Erikson, 1968). Such choices are not just about finding a place in the world. Youth live with the cultural belief that the self is partially hidden and must be “found” through experimentation with different roles or actions (Baumeister, 1987; Baumeister & Muraven, 1996). The transition to adulthood is a search for an inner self that fits into the social context (Côté, 2000; Kroger, 2000).

This search for a self has led to serious questions about the nature of identity. The questions, “What is identity?” and “How is identity formed?” are not easily answered, despite multiple disciplinary efforts to address them (see, for example, Bosma, Graafsma, Grotevant, & de Levita, 1994). A fundamental characteristic of identity that is particularly important at the transition to adulthood is the problem of resolving the problem of continuity and change (Azmitia, Syed, & Radmacher, 2008; Erikson, 1968; McAdams, 2001). The transition to adulthood involves changes in social settings, social roles, and psychosocial (internal) changes. Do people perceive themselves as the same person across this period? As the world and individuals change, do people have a sense of personal persistence? Chandler and colleagues (Chandler, 1994; Chandler, Lalonde, Sokol, & Hallett, 2003) describe two distinct positions in response to this question of personal continuity and change. They group theoreticians and researchers into two positions: Essentialists or Narrativists. While a bold categorization, and perhaps not sensitive to subtleties within these positions, the labels provide a beginning way to understand the issues at hand.

The analysis by Chandler et al. (2003) suggests that the Essentialists see identity as “efforts to marginalize change by attaching special importance to one or more enduring attributes of the self that are imagined to stand outside of or otherwise defeat time” (p. 12). In contrast, the Narrativists “throw their lot in with time and change, and supposing that any residual demands for sameness can be satisfied by pointing to various relational forms that bind together the admittedly distinct time-slices of one’s life” (p. 12). These positions are represented in the counseling psychology literature. The traditional view of identity representing the Essentialists has been somewhat static and individual. Consider, for example, the notion that there are a number of relative stable “identities” that one could choose from in the formation of the adult person. Certainly occupation has been chief among them, but the adult identity could include marital status, where one lives, and religious or political affiliations. Similarly, the notion of stability and sameness is captured in Super’s (1963) notion of the “crystallization of the self” that was said to occur in the early stages of vocational development. The term “crystallization” is particularly reflective of the notion of sameness represented in Super’s theory of career development. Chandler et al. (2003) identified identity theorists Erikson (1963, 1968), Marcia (1967), and Hacking (1995) as Essentialists.

The Narrativist position is readily recognized in the conceptualizations of many recent (and some not so recent) authors in the field of identity and identity construction, for example, Hermans’s dialogical approach (Hermans & Herman-Jansen, 1995), Bruner’s (1990) cultural approach, and Bakhtin’s activity approach (1993). Narrativists view identity as self-understanding through the process of binding together slices of life or salient events through the formation of life stories. The self is fluid and changing through experiences and through the telling and retelling of stories.

Both the Narrativist and the Essentialist positions, taken to either extreme, have generated several problems that need to be addressed if counseling psychology wants to maintain the centrality of identity and agency in its work and as important and relevant constructs in the lives of people generally. There are significant challenges to theoreticians and clinicians if we gravitate to either a narrowly Essentialist or Narrativist position in relation to our understanding of identity.

The narrowly Essentialist view relegates the changes in social and cultural conditions after the initial formation of the self in childhood and adolescence to the sidelines. Even as we move to appreciate the cultural and relational contexts in which identity develops, we can also continue to be trapped by seeing them as external variables that impact a separate self, without attending to the centrality of process. Process is important because it addresses the question of how identity develops and changes, and accounts for how continuity is maintained. As such, process is relevant to counselors.

The narrowly Narrativist approaches (social constructionism) suggest non-substantial, fluid notions of subjectivity (or even more troubling, subjectivities) that represent a scattering and decentering of the self. This fleeting self is in response to prevailing circumstances which are in constant flux. But this raises a conundrum. If identity is constructed by changing social contexts and conditions, without persistence across time, where is the place for the person as agent? And toward what does the person act?

Some postmodern perspectives suggest that the notion of agency is rooted in the Cartesian mind/body split that no longer holds once the notion of the isolated mind is challenged. Although there are substantial philosophical, psychological, and neuroscience traditions as well as emerging views that recognize an embedded self, there remains a critical lack of discussion of the construct of agency in light of this history and developments in these traditions, as noted by Frie (2003). The question of agency also involves moral issues, responsibility, and obligation in understanding identity (Radden, 1996; Shoemaker, 1983). However, responsibility cannot be dealt with without a differentiated theory of goal-directed action.

Action Theory and Identity

The contextual action theory (Young et al., 1996, 2002) avoids leaning too far one way or the other (Essentialist or Narrativist) in understanding identity. Rather, we follow Overton’s (2006) suggestion to avoid split positions and to find middle ground. In our contextual action theory conceptualization of identity, we have identified a temporal dimension in which short-term actions can lead to mid-term projects, which, in turn, can lead to long-term careers (in the non-occupational as well as occupational sense). Thus, by recognizing the mid- and long-term persistence of one’s identity while at the same time acknowledging that there are ongoing processes in constructing identity, we are able to respond to the criticism that process or narrativist approaches attend only to the flux and changes of daily life. At the same time, we focus on ongoing action within relationships and culture. By doing so, contextual action theory does not circumscribe identity in a highly internal or relatively unchanging structure, nor is it simply a stalagmite or stalactite growing slowly as drops of our engagement in cultural practices.

Action theory identifies processes that steer and regulate actions and projects. Attention to these processes highlights the agency of individuals and their social partners in the construction of identity. The processes include internal (thoughts and feelings) and social processes.

Internal processes (thoughts and feelings) during conversations serve to steer identity construction. Recollections of individuals’ internal processes during conversations reveal the goals linked to actions. For example, a father’s comment on his questioning of his daughter about an occupational selection reveal his goal of wanting her to think about options: “I was kind of gently trying to … not really belittle her but … to think this through a little more carefully.” Recollections of thoughts and feelings also provide opportunities for self-defining reflections. For example, a young man’s reflection on his conversation with his mother about major life decisions reveals how he views himself: “I actually am slowly becoming an adult. Whereas before, I would have brushed it aside and like, not really – you know, just take things as they come. But now I like, you know, things are happening and I’m like, is that significant?” Such reflections may be useful in the construction of identity (Thorne, McLean, & Lawrence, 2004).

There is a distinctly social dimension to understanding identity from an action perspective. Most significant actions, as well as projects and careers are social. That is, actions and projects and careers occur between and among people. Thus, we see that identity is socially constructed through joint actions with others. The notion of joint action in the construction of identity reflects some of the major sources of action theory (e.g., Berger & Luckmann, 1967; Mead, 1934; Vygotsky, 1978).

The social dimension of action includes the communicative acts that are important for understanding identity. Behind each communicative action is an identity goal which guides individuals toward trying to achieve compatible experiences and confirmation. For example, individuals will seek to interact with people who provide self-confirming feedback (Swann, Stein-Seroussi, & Giesler, 1992). However, identities are understandings of oneself that extend beyond the time-limited encounter that is covered by our understanding of action. This is where the contribution of the notions of project and career is helpful. The specific goals of action are related to supra goals, such as identity, which extend over a much longer period of time. The meaning of some actions for identity and other supra goals coalesce or are constructed across time in projects, and some projects can be seen as contributing to the identity career.

With this understanding of identity as joint action, we turn to examples. The first example is focused on occupational identity construction. Occupational identity is co-constructed by exploring options and matching interests and skills with potential careers. Such matching involves a knowledge of past experiences, reflection on current activities, and anticipation of possibilities. The second example illustrates how some aspects of identity are not simply choices of becoming this or that. There are other motivations for identity. Schachter and Ventura (2008) suggest that people who intentionally take part in the identity construction of others are identity agents. In this second case, a mother and grandmother are the identity agents concerned with ensuring aspects of their culture are passed to the next generation.

Identity Construction Example 1

Conversations (action) with long-term social partners can serve as a basis for the construction of meaningful future self-construals or possible selves (Marshall, Young, & Domene, 2006). For example, conversations between parents and adolescents can help to select or shape possible selves (Marshall et al., 2008). These future construals of the youth offer potential choices that may be acted upon. For example, constructing possible selves enables planning for educational or training pursuits. The following example illustrates how potential self-construals are constructed and help shape joint actions.

A mother and her 19-year-old son converse about two possible occupational choices – law and medicine. They also incorporate, into their conversations, other aspects of life beyond career that seem geared toward the son developing as a well-rounded and multifaceted individual. For example, they talk about gardening, art classes, and volunteering in the community. The relationship between the mother and her son supports the identity construction project. The mother’s obvious devotion to the son, her positive opinion of him, and her good intentions appear to have created a relationship in which the son feels safe confiding in her. He trusts her to guide him in the right direction as he makes life choices. The son seeks and accepts his mother’s help, as she has routinely been willing to do.

The relationship between the mother and her son gives temporal meaning to the identity project. Both look to their past experiences to discuss possible selves. They take stock of his skills (e.g., laundry, cooking, budgeting) and think about his readiness to live on his own. They also reflect on his academic interests and skills and consider the relationship with the two occupational career choices. It is the intimate knowledge generated from a longer term relationship that is the basis for thinking about the son’s future. Without knowledge of the past, they have little basis for the conversations about living on his own or occupational choices. Additionally, each understands that this intimate knowledge is about the same (continuous) person they have talked to before. That is, “the ‘I’ who talks to my parent now was the ‘I’ who talked to my parent in the past and will be the ‘I’ who will talk to him/her in the future.” This is not unlike the importance that is given to ongoing relationships in the theory of the relational self proposed by Chen, Boucher, and Tapias (2006).

The content of the conversations between this mother and son are explicitly about constructing identity projects that can be realized in the short-term and contribute to the longer term. Consider, for example, their conversation about the son’s selection of courses for the next year. The son lists some courses he is thinking of taking (chemistry, biology, and perhaps some art classes). The mother talks to him about how these courses fit his transfer from college to university as well as how the courses compliment his interests. The conversation is about the short-term project of planning the next school term but is also about the longer-term project of selecting and pursuing a career in either medicine or law. In conjunction with career planning, the process includes building on the son’s newly found creative self that emerged through his having taken a visual art course in the past year. Thus, occupational identity projects are interwoven with leisure identity projects – or, in the language of this family, the construction of a “well-rounded person.”

Over the course of 6 months, the son explores different university programs in Europe and North America as part of the identity project. The potential occupations of medicine and law guide where he looks for universities. His mother and other members of the family support his search and even plan some visits to universities outside of their home town. Along with the activities of exploring options for education, the son reflects inwardly about his skills and interests. These self-reflections are shared with his mother and matched against their understanding of what it must be like to be a doctor or lawyer. This process of matching has emerged in families with younger adolescents (Marshall et al., 2008). Matching is a series of joint actions that seem to help affirm the link between the youth and the occupational roles under consideration. The process also illustrates the cultural process of searching for an inner self that fits into the social context during the transition to adulthood (Baumeister, 1987; Côté, 2000).

Toward the end of the 6 months, the son begins to feel that he would like to select law rather than medicine. He spends time talking with his mother about his choice. She supports his decision making by asking questions that allow him to reflect.

Mother::

So do you think then that you’d enjoy law more, like in terms of the courses you’d be taking?

Son::

I think so. Like it’s more like, I can kind of relate to it, whereas you know, like in chemistry, like you can’t relate to, you know, chemicals, or in biology, you can’t relate, you know, you know … thyroid glands of a chicken or whatever.

The mother continues by asking her son what type of law he might be interested in and encourages him to do more research to gain clarity about his decision. They also discuss what life as a lawyer might look like – further embellishing the potential occupational identity. Such discussions help generate clarity of the future occupational identity (Marshall et al., 2006).

Identity Construction Example 2

An action-theoretical perspective of identity construction acknowledges the goals of those involved. In the case of parent–child dyads, parents intentionally try to influence their youths’ identity construction. Parents have identity goals (Schachter & Ventura, 2008). This case illustrates the goal of cultural continuity within a Native American family. Cultural continuity has been identified as an important aspect of preventing suicide among Native youth because it enhances personal persistence (Chandler, 1994; Chandler et al., 2003).

A Native American woman has a son aged 16 years. The son is involved in the local urban Native community center and doing fairly well at school. The mother and son, during data collection, are working on the son’s identity as a responsible and caring individual. They discuss what responsibility and caring entail in their daily living. Responsibility includes the son contributing financially to the family and helping around the house. Caring involves looking after siblings and other family members. The mother respectfully points out the ways that the son can develop as a caring and responsible adult. The son listens to the way his mother expects him to change as he becomes an adult, but also comments during a self-confrontation interview how he makes changes at his own pace.

Over the course of several months, the son obtains a full-time summer job which permits him to contribute more money toward household expenses. His mother is proud of his accomplishments and they both comment about his contributions in helping his mother. The mother envisions his continued development as a caring and responsible adult. She reminds him about caring for his younger siblings when they talk about his plans for a family event. This press toward developing certain characteristics is similar to what Higgins (1987) described as “ought” selves or what parents think children ought to do. But ought selves, in this case, are more complex than a simple parental desire for certain characteristics. The notion of care and responsibility are revealed to be a dimension of cultural identity.

When the grandmother joins the conversation with the mother and son, the cultural connection to becoming caring and responsible is made apparent. The grandmother describes her grandson as coming from the family of a hereditary chief and, as such, having the responsibility to help care for others. She notes that, within their nation, “that’s the way that we’re brought up.” This conversation is a process of assigning the son an identity as member of a particular Native American nation. The meaning of this assigned identity, however, is co-constructed through the development of characteristics and skills. Those characteristics and skills are part of becoming an adult within the community. These are not inborn characteristics and skills but encompass what it means to belong to a community and family.

The mother and grandmother, as identity agents, press the son to develop characteristics of adult identity. The son is not without agency in this process. He is not molded into an adult like a piece of clay. He clearly indicates his preference for the type of paid work he will do outside the home and practices new skills at his own pace. The mother and grandmother are careful not to push too hard for the youth to behave in certain ways. They are respectful in the way that they guide him toward his adult identity.

The development of an adult identity, in this family, involves a sense of continuity through family heritage. It also involves the co-construction of how that heritage will be enacted in daily living. In the classic conceptualization, the link between culture and identity is based on the relationship between social structure and the self. In contextual action theory, we focus on the cultural goal-directed systems of youth and the significant people in their lives. This illustration highlights the goal-directed actions of three generations of a family as they co-construct the youth’s identity as an adult.

Conclusion

In this chapter we have described how identity can be looked at from the perspective of action theory. In doing so, we avoid the extremes of a highly static view of identity on the one hand and highly reductionist views of postmodernism in which identity and the self appear to disappear, on the other. Based on the fundamental premises of the inevitability of action, and the interpretation of action as goal-oriented and intentional, action theory implicates identity in the goal structure of human action. This view of identity provides a different look at the old paradigm of identity theory as an interface between the self and social structure. Rather, contextual action theory offers the view of identity reflected and constructed through personal and social processes.