Abstract
It was only to be expected that the great expansion of British power in the Middle East after 1918, which seemed one of the principal consequences of the Great War, and the expedients adopted by British ministers to conserve the main fruits of victory there, would have repercussions on the rest of the British imperial system. The problems of imperial policy provided something like a test case for the post-war relationship between Britain and the self-governing states of the Empire, which the dominions resolved, at the time of the Mesopotamian uprising and subsequently of the Chanak crisis, by showing that the military and political integration of the Empire in wartime would not be prolonged into the peace. Perhaps more significantly, the reconstruction of the Middle East brought into focus the latent strains and tensions between the imperial government in London and its administrative agents in British India, increasingly sensitive to the special anxieties of communities and electorates in India, and increasingly unhappy at their involuntary association with British imperial policies elsewhere in the world. Lastly it remains to be considered whether Britain’s policy in the Middle East reflected to any real extent the growth of new economic preoccupations; in particular, the question of how the actual and potential oil resources of Iraq and Persia influenced the makers of policy, and to what degree their dispositions revealed a demotion of the old strategic priorities of Palmerston, Salisbury and Grey in favour of a new economic imperialism.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
J. M. Brown, op. cit., pp. 139, 191; P. Hardy, The Muslims of British India (Cambridge, 1972) pp. 185–9; Note by Sir J. Meston, 21 May 1917, AC 23/1/7.
Francis Robinson, Separatism Among Indian Muslims (Cambridge, 1974) pp. 292 ff.
D. A. Low, The Government of India and the First Non-Cooperation Movement 1920–1922’, in Essays in Gandhian Politics, edit. R. Kumar (Oxford, 1971) pp. 301, 304.
Viceroy to S.S.I., Tels., 26 Jan. 1921, 2 Feb. 1921, Montagu Papers.
See Anil Seal, ‘Imperialism and Nationalism in India’, Modern Asian Studies, 7, 3 (1973) pp. 330–1.
This right, reserved in the Government of India Act 1858, was not exercised to great effect. See Lord Hartington’s judgment in 1878, in R. Robinson and J. Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians (London, 1961) pp. 12–13.
Government of India Act 1919 (9 and 10 Geo. 5 c. 101), S. 25, reprinted in A. B. Keith, Speeches and Documents on Indian Policy 1750–1921, vol. II (London, 1922) p. 311.
Lionel Curtis, Letters to the People ndia on Responsible Government (London, 1918) p. 61.
The course and outcome of this controversy may be traced in J. S. Mangat, The History of the Asians in East Africa c. 1886–1945 (Oxford, 1969) p. 120 ff.
Lloyd George to Montagu, 25 April 1920, in S. D. Waley, Edwin Montagu: a Memoir (Bombay, 1964) p. 246.
L. F. Rushbrook Williams, India in 1922–23: A Statement prepared for presentation to Parliament (Calcutta, 1923) pp. 273, 108 ff.
Around 1 per cent in 1920. S. H. Longrigg, Oil in the Middle East (3rd edn, London, 1968) p. 48.
M. Jack, The Purchase of the British Government Shares in the British Petroleum Company 1912–1914’, Past and Present, 39 (1968) p. 154; see also H. Longhurst, Adventure in Oil: The Story of British Petroleum (London, 1959).
B: R. Mitchell, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge, 1962) p. 301.
On the ‘economics of siege’ see W. K. Hancock, Survey of British Commonwealth Affairs, vol. II, Problems of Economic Policy 1918–1939, Part 1 (London, 1940) pp. 94–110.
J. A. De Novo, The Movement for an Aggressive American Oil Policy Abroad 1918–1920’, American Historical Review, LXI, 4 (1956) p. 136.
Slade’smemo., 30 July 1918, S. W. Roskill, Naval Policy Between the Wars, vol. I (London, 1968) p. 220.
D. J. Payton-Smith, Oil: A Study of Wartime Policy and Administration (History of the Second World War, U.K. Civil Series, H.M.S.O., 1971) p. 13. For the sustained official interest in bringing Royal Dutch Shell under British control, M. R. Kent, ‘British Government interest in Middle East Oil Concessions’ (London Ph.D., 1968) pp. 276–89; 301–6.
For the fate of some of these ideas, I. M. Drummond, Imperial Economic Policy 1917–1939 (London, 1974).
J. Nevakivi, Britain, France and the Arab Middle East 1914–1920 (London, 1969) pp. 90–1,94–5, 154–5.
See R. Ullman, The Anglo-Soviet Accord (London, 1972) p. 463 for Lloyd George’s ‘commercial conception’ of international affairs.
The U.S. government claimed the same rights as all League members in the mandates and employed delaying tactics and diplomatic pressure on the League Council in protest against the exclusiveness of Anglo-French oil policy. See H. W. V. Temperley, A History of the Peace Conference at Paris, vol. VI (London, 1924) p. 188; and B. Gerig, The Open Door and the Mandates System (London, 1930), p. 140.
A point made with emphasis by Curzon at the Lausanne Conference in 1923. H. Nicolson, Curzon: The Last Phase (London, 1934) p. 337; Earl of Ronaldshay, The Life of Lord Curzon, vol. III (London, 1928) p. 337.
Copyright information
© 1981 John Darwin
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Darwin, J. (1981). Indian Policy and the Oil Question. In: Britain, Egypt and the Middle East. Cambridge Commonwealth Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-16529-2_9
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-16529-2_9
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, London
Print ISBN: 978-1-349-16531-5
Online ISBN: 978-1-349-16529-2
eBook Packages: Palgrave History CollectionHistory (R0)