Abstract
The rupture of the Americas into two camps, one centered on the United States and the other centered on the on Southern Common Market (Mercado Común del Sur—MERCOSUR), at the Mar del Plata Summit of the Americas in 2005 persists to this day. Notably, this rupture has been framed in terms of two different visions of economic development in terms of a new phase of “post-neoliberal” development in Latin America and/or conflicting leadership ambitions for the hemisphere between the United States and Brazil.1 The dominant explanation for this division has centered on the general disenchantment with the neoliberal policies that predominated in the hemisphere during the 1990s. This discontentment with neoliberalism contributed to a leftist electoral wave throughout Latin America that put in place leaders who opposed a hegemonic American presence in the hemisphere.2 Broadly, the rise and fall of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and the rise of South American regional integration schemes, such as the Union of South American Nations (Unión de Naciones Suramericanas—UNASUR) and the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (Allianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América—ALBA), has been conceptualized as part of a hemispheric Polanyian “double-movement” against neoliberalism.
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Notes
Pia Riggirozzi, “Reconstructing Regionalism: What Does Development Have to Do with It?,” in The Rise of Post-Hegemonic Regionalism: The Case of Latin America, eds. Pia Riggirozzi and Diane Tussie (New York: Springer, 2012), 24.
See, for example, Thomas Muhr, “The Politics of Space in the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America—Peoples’ Trade Agreement (ALBA-TCP): Transnationalism, the Organized Society, and Counter-Hegemonic Governance,” Globalizations 9.6 (2012); and Pia Riggirozzi and Diana Tussie, “The Rise of Post-Hegemonic Regionalism in Latin America,” in The Rise of Post-Hegemonic Regionalism: The Case of Latin America, eds. Pia Riggirozzi and Diana Tussie (New York: Springer, 2012).
Julia Buxton, “Forward into History: Understanding Obama’s Latin American Policy,” Latin American Perspectives 38.4 (2011): 37.
Diana Tussie, “Latin America: Contrasting Motivations for Regional Projects,” Review of International Studies 35.S1 (2009): 168.
Luis Suarez Salazar, “Obama’s ‘Smart Strategies’ against Latin America and the Caribbean: Continuities and Changes,” Latin American Perspectives 38.3 (2011): 75.
Jorge Battaglino, “Defence in a Post-Hegemonic Regional Agenda: The Case of the South American Defence Council,” in The Rise of Post-Hegemonic Regionalism: The Case of Latin America, eds. Pia Riggirozzi and Diana Tussie (New York: Springer, 2012), 87–88.
Mark Weisbrot, “Commentary: Obama’s Latin America Policy: Continuity without Change,” Latin American Perspectives 38.3 (2011): 63.
Thomas Muhr, “Conceptualising the ALBA-TCP: Third Generation Regionalism and Political Economy,” International Journal of Cuban Studies 3.2–3 (2011): 104.
Thomas Muhr, “(Re)constructing Popular Power in Our America: Venezuela and the Regionalisation of ‘Revolutionary Democracy’ in the ALBA-TCP Space,” Third World Quarterly 33.2 (2012): 231.
Rosalba Linares, “The ALBA Alliance and the Construction of a New Latin American Regionalism,” International Journal of Cuban Studies 3.2–3 (2011): 152.
Pablo Trucco, “The Rise of Monetary Agreements in South America,” in The Rise of Post-Hegemonic Regionalism: The Case of Latin America, eds. Pia Riggirozzi and Diana Tussie (New York: Springer, 2012), 118–19.
Josette Altmann Borbon, “El ALBA, Petrocaribe y Centroamérica: ¿Intereses Comunes?,” Revista Nueva Sociedad 219 (Enero-Febrero 2009): 140–41.
Todd Gordon and Jeffrey Webber, “Canadian Geopolitics in Post-Coup Honduras,” Critical Sociology 40.4 (2014): 606–7.
Hector Perla Jr. and Hector Cruz-Feliciano, “The Twenty-First-Century Left in El Salvador and Nicaragua: Understanding Apparent Contradictions and Criticisms,” Latin American Perspectives 40.3 (2013): 84–88.
Asa K. Cusack, “Protests, Polarisation, and Instability in Venezuela: Why Should the Caribbean Care?,” Caribbean Journal of International Relations and Diplomacy 2.1 (2014): 206–7; and Luisa Romero Bermudez (minister, Ministerio de la Producción y el Comercio, 2001–2005), interview with author, April 15, 2009, digital voice recording, Caracas, Venezuela.
Sean Burges, “Brazil as a Bridge between Old and New Powers?,” International Affairs 89.3 (2013): 588–89;
and Cesar Augusto Bermudez Torres, “Mercosur y Unasur: Una Mirada a la Integracion Regional a Comienzos del Siglo XXI,” Analisis Político 72 (Mayo-Agosto 2011): 123.
Ibid., 161; Bermudez Torres, “Mercosur y Unasur,” 127; Malamud, “A Leader without Followers?,” 7–8; and Marukh Doctor, “Prospects for deepening Mercosur integration: Economic Asymmetry and Institutional Deficits,” Review of International Political Economy 20.3 (2013): 526.
Ricardo Carciofi, “Cooperation for the Provision of Regional Public Goods: The Iirsa Case,” in The Rise of Post-Hegemonic Regionalism: The Case of Latin America, eds. Pia Riggirozzi and Diana Tussie (New York: Springer, 2012), 65.
Antulio Rosales, “The Banco del Sur and the Return to Development,” Latin American Perspectives 40.5 (2013): 28.
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© 2015 Marcel Nelson
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Nelson, M. (2015). Regionalism in the Americas after the FTAA. In: A History of the FTAA. Palgrave Macmillan, New York. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137412751_6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137412751_6
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