Abstract
Historians subordinate ‘generalization to narration’, in John Gaddis’s opinion.1 ‘The narrative is the form of representation that most historians use’, he continues, before proceeding to challenge the idea ‘that historians don’t generalize: we do this all the time, but we do it by incorporating our generalizations into our narratives rather than the other way around’.2 Historical practitioners can qualify one detail by another set of details ‘down to and beyond the level of Napoleon’s fleas’, yet they choose not to, making conscious decisions about the adequacy of their simulation or representation.3 The problem is that Gaddis, like many narrative historians, fails to indicate not only when the procedure of qualification should stop (stating how much detail is required), but also where the act of description should start (justifying an object of study). His reply to the objection that ‘there are a potentially infinite number of links in any causal chain’ — for instance, ‘where did each flea come from’ and how did he or she attach himself or herself to the emperor’s underwear, and then to the emperor?’ - consists simply of the assertion that ‘There are some things we can’t know, there are some things we don’t need to know, and fortunately these categories overlap to a considerable degree’.4 From this perspective, generalizations are convenient mechanisms within the narrative form rather than means of answering a question and of explaining why change and continuity occur: ‘We use micro-generalizations to bridge such gaps in the evidence and to move the narrative forward [-] they make it possible to represent reality.
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Notes
There is a wide variety of definitions of narrative, with some paying little attention, even, to time: for example, M. Bevir and R. A. W. Rhodes, ‘Interpretive Theory’, in D. Marsh and G. Stoker (eds), Theories and Methods in Political Science, 133–4: ‘Although narratives may have a chronological order and contain such elements as setting, character, actions and events, their defining characteristic is that they explain actions using beliefs and preferences’. See also M. Bevir], ‘Historical Explanation, Folk Psychology and Narrative’, Philosophical Explorations, 3 (2000), 152–68
L. Stone, ‘The Revival of Narrative: Reflections on a New Old History’, Past and Present, 85 (1979), 3–24.
F. R. Ankersmit, ‘The Dilemma of Contemporary Anglo-Saxon Philosophy of History’, History and Theory, 25 (1986), 16.
Ibid., xvi. D. Can, ‘Narrative and the Real World: An Argument for Continuity’, History and Theory, 25 (1986), 117–31.
He has been criticized by post-structuralists for emphasizing ‘experience’, as a phenomenologist, rather than language: J. Hillis Miller, ‘But Are Things as We Think They Are?’, Times Literary Supplement, (9 October 1987), 1104–5. Joan Wallach Scott, ‘Comment: Agendas for Radical History’, Radical History Review, 36 (1986), 43
Despite the fact that, in some instances, ‘to say that we build a house is not equivalent to saying that I build a house, and you build a house, and he builds a house’, since ‘not all linguistic uses of we cany this sense of concerted action’: D. Carr, ‘Narrative and the Real World: An Argument for Continuity’, History and Theory, 25 (1986), 127.
D. Carr, ‘Narrative Explanation and Its Malcontents’, History and Theory, 47 (2008), 19.
P. A. Roth, ‘How Narratives Explain’, Social Research, 56 (1989), 470.
Ibid. On the relationship between historical language and reality, see A. C. Danto, ‘Historical Language and Historical Reality’, Review of Metaphysics, 27 (1973), 219–59.
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© 2014 Mark Hewitson
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Hewitson, M. (2014). Time, Narrative and Causality. In: History and Causality. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137372406_5
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